|
구분 | 이상주의 | 현실주의 |
남상 | Woodrow Wilson | Thucydides, Machiavelli |
인간관 | 성선설 | 성악설 |
국제체제 | Locke의 자연상태 | Hobbes의 자연상태 |
전쟁원인 | 무지, 경찰력 부재, 독재 | 세력 불균형 |
평화방안 | 계몽, 집단안보, 민주화 | 세력균형 |
평화 속성 | 적극적 평화(인간안전) | 소극적 평화(국가안보) |
영구평화 | 가능 | 불가능 |
Ⅱ. 방법론 논쟁 : 고전주의와 행태주의
구분 | 고전주의 | 행태주의 |
분석수준 | 인간 | 국가 |
방법론 | 존재론 | 인식론>존재론 |
Ⅲ. 존재론 논쟁 재현 : 현실주의와 상호의존론
구분 | 현실주의 | 상호의존론 |
행위자 | 국가 | 국가, 비국가적 행위자 |
국제체제 | 무정부 | 복합적 상호의존 |
권력의 대체성 | 긍정(대체적) | 부정(특정적) |
쟁점 순위 | 인정(생존우위) | 부정 |
상호의존과 평화 | 비관적(부정적 외부효과) | 낙관적(긍정적 외부효과) |
Ⅳ. paradigm 논쟁
구분 | 현실주의 | 자유주의 | Marxism | 구성주의 |
국제체제 | Westphalia system | 거미줄망 | 세계체제 | 구성된 체계 |
주요행위자 | 국가 | 국가+비국가행위자 | 계급 | 국가 |
역동성 원천 | 힘 | 복합적 사회관계 | 경제 | 관념 |
종속변수 | 국가의 역할 | 세계의 모든 주요사건 | 빈부격차 | 국제체제 |
연구범위 | 국제정치 | 국제관계 | 세계체제 | 국제관계 |
주요개념 | 억지, 동맹 | 상호의존 | 착취, 종속 | 간주관성, 관념, 집합정체성 |
제2장 현실주의
제1절 realism
Realism is the predominant school of thought in international relations theory, theoretically formalizing the realpolitik statesmanship of early modern Europe.
제2절 A taxonomy of realism
Type of realism | Key thinkers | Key texts | Big idea |
Classical realism(human nature) | Thucydises | The Pelopennesian War | International politics is drven by an endless struggle for power, which has its roots in human nature. Justice , law and society have either no place or are circumscribed. |
Machiavelli | The Prince | Political realism recognizes that principles are surbodinated to policies; the ultimate skill of the stae leader is to accept, and adapt to, the changing power political configurations in world politics. | |
Morgenthau | Politics among Nations | Politics is governed by laws that are created by human nature. The mechanism we use to understand international politics is the concept of interests, defined in terms of power. | |
Structural realism(international system) | Rousseau | The State of War | It is not human nature but the anarchial system that fosters fear, jealousy, suspicion, and insecurity. |
Waltz | Theory of International Politics | Anarchy leads to logic or self-help in which states seek to maximize their security.The most stable distribution of power in the system is bipolarity. | |
Mearsheimer | Tragedy of Great Power Politics | The anarchial, self-help system compels states to maximize their relative power position. | |
Neoclassical realism | Zakaria | From Wealth to Power | The systemic account of world politics provided by structural realism is in complete. It needs to be supplemented with bwtter accounts of unit-level variables such as power is perceived, and how leadership is exercised. |
Ⅰ. 고전적 현실주의(classical realism)
1. 가정
가. 국가는 주요한 행위자, 통합된 행위자 및 합리적 행위자이다. For realists. the main actors on the world stage are states, which are legally sovereign states. Sovereinty means that there is no actor above the state that can control compel to act in specific ways.
나. 국가들 사이에 이익의 조화란 없으며 국제관계는 본질적으로 갈등관계이다. World politics represents a struggle for power between states each trying to maximize their national interest.
다. 지리(geography)나 인간성(human nature)과 같은 거의 변하지 않는 요인이 국가행위를 결정한다. As for what propels states to act as they do, realists see human nature as centrally important.
라. 인간은 본질적으로 선하지 않고 이기적이며 사악하고 권력지향적이다. For realists, human nature is fixed, and, crucially, it is selfish.
마. 국제정치에서의 도덕과 개인적 도덕 또는 보편적 도덕은 다르다. Realists are sceptical of the idea that universal moral principles exist and therefore, warn state leaders against sacrificing their own self-interest in order to adhere to some indeterminate notion of 'ethical' conduct.
Jonathan Haslam from the University of Cambridge characterizes Realism as "a spectrum of ideas." Regardless of which definition is used, the theories of realism revolve around four central propositions:
That states are the central actors in international politics rather than individuals or international organizations,
That the international political system is anarchic as there is no supranational authority that can enforce rules over the states,
That the actors in the international political system are rational as their actions maximize their own self-interest, and
That all states desire power so that they can ensure their own self-preservation.
2. Frederick L. Schuman
미국의 정치학자, 국제관계학자 Frederick Lewis Schuman (1904~1981)은 International Politics(1933)에서 공통정부가 없는 국제체제를 약육강식의 원리가 지배하는 세계로 규정하고 국가는 자력구제를 목표로 행동하여야 한다고 강조하였다. 국제정치란 본질적으로 권력투쟁이며 민족주의와 제국주의로 구체화되어 발현한다.
Self-help is the principle of action in an anarchial system where there is no global government.
3. Friedrich Meinecke
국가이성(riason d'éat. reason of state)이 국가의 운동의 제1법칙이다. According to Friedrich Meinecke, riason d'éat (reason of state) is the fundamental principle of international conduct, the state's
First Law of Motion.
4. E. H. Carr
이상주의를 비판하고 현실주의의 장점을 열거하면서도 현실주의 한계를 제시하여 이상부의와 현실주의의 종합을 강조하고 도덕성을 중시하였다.
In The Twenty Year's Crisis(1939), Carr described the opposition of realism and utopianism in international relations as a dialectic progress. Carr described realism as the acceptance that what exists is right and the belief that there is no reality or forces outside history such as God. Carr argued that in realism there is no moral dimension and that what is successful is right and that what is unsuccessful is wrong.Carr argued that for realists there are no basis for moralizing about the past, present or the future and that "World history is the World Court". Carr rejected both utopianism and realism as the basis of a new international order and instead called a synthesis of the two. Carr wrote that:
"Having demolished the current utopia with weapons of realism we still need to build a new utopia of our own, which will fall to the same weapons".
Though Carr was highly sympathetic towards the realist case in international relations and rejected utopianism as the basis of the international order, Carr described realism as lacking :"a finite goal, an emotional appeal, a right of moral judgment, and a ground for action".
Carr contributed to the foundation of what is now known as classical realism in International relations theory. Through study of history (work of Thucydides and Machiavelli) and reflection and deep epistemological disagreement with Idealism, the dominant International relations theory between the World Wars, he came up with realism. In his book The Twenty Years' Crisis, Carr defined three dichotomies of realism and utopianism (Idealism), derived from Machiavellian realism:
In the first place, history is a sequence of cause and effect, whose course can be analysed and understood by intellectual effort, but not (as the utopians believe) directed by " imagination ". Secondly; theory does not (as the utopians assume) create practice, but practice theory. In Machiavelli's words, " good counsels, whence so ever they come, are born of the wisdom of the prince, and not the wisdom of the prince from good counsels ". Thirdly, politics are not (as the utopians pretend) a function of ethics, but ethics of politics. Men " are kept honest by constraint ". Machiavelli recognised the importance of morality, but thought that there could be no effective morality where there was no effective authority. Morality is the product of power.[Carr, 1939]
5. Hans Morgenthau
Hans Morgenthau는 아상주의와 E. H. Carr의 도덕적 현실주의를 비판하고 전통적 현실주의를 체계화하였다. 이상주의의 법적 제도적 저근의 위험성을 강조하고 집단안전보장 및 사법적 해결과 같은 국제제도의 실효성과 평화적 변화의 가능성에 회의적이었다.
Realism and Politics Among Nations (1948)에서 6가지 원칙을 제시하였다.
Recent scholarly assessments of Morgenthau show that his intellectual trajectory was more complicated than originally thought. His realism was infused with moral considerations, and during the last part of his life he favored supranational control of nuclear weapons and strongly opposed the U.S. role in the Vietnam War. His book Scientific Man versus Power Politics (1946) argued against an overreliance on science and technology as solutions to political and social problems.
Starting with the second edition of Politics Among Nations, Morgenthau included a section in the opening chapter called "Six Principles of Political Realism".
The principles, paraphrased, are:
1. Political realism believes that politics, like society in general, is governed by objective laws that have their roots in human nature.
2. The main signpost of political realism is the concept of interest defined in terms of power, which infuses rational order into the subject matter of politics, and thus makes the theoretical understanding of politics possible. Political realism avoids concerns with the motives and ideology of statesmen. Political realism avoids reinterpreting reality to fit the policy. A good foreign policy minimizes risks and maximizes benefits.
3. Realism recognizes that the determining kind of interest varies depending on the political and cultural context in which foreign policy, not to be confused with a theory of international politics, is made. It does not give "interest defined as power" a meaning that is fixed once and for all.
4. Political realism is aware of the moral significance of political action. It is also aware of the tension between the moral command and the requirements of successful political action. Realism maintains that universal moral principles must be filtered through the concrete circumstances of time and place, because they cannot be applied to the actions of states in their abstract universal formulation.
5. Political realism refuses to identify the moral aspirations of a particular nation with the moral laws that govern the universe.
6. The political realist maintains the autonomy of the political sphere; the statesman asks "How does this policy affect the power and interests of the nation?" Political realism is based on a pluralistic conception of human nature. The political realist must show where the nation's interests differ from the moralistic and legalistic viewpoints.
6. Reinhold Niebuhr
국제정치의 본질은 인간의 원죄에서 기인하는 권력투쟁이다. 인간은 본질적으로 생존의지 및 생존을 위한 권력의지을 가지고 있는 존재이며 국가 역시 권력의지를 가짐으로서 현실정치의 양상을 보여준다. Morgenthau와는 달리 국제정치에서 도덕이 필요하고 도덕을 추구해야 한다. 권력은 자신의 이익을 위한 수단보다는 정의의 도구호서 광범한 이익을 위해 사용해야 한다.
EArthur M. Schlesinger Jr. explained Niebuhr's influence:
Traditionally, the idea of the frailty of man led to the demand for obedience to ordained authority. But Niebuhr rejected that ancient conservative argument. Ordained authority, he showed, is all the more subject to the temptations of self-interest, self-deception and self-righteousness. Power must be balanced by power. He persuaded me and many of my contemporaries that original sin provides a far stronger foundation for freedom and self-government than illusions about human perfectibility. Niebuhr's analysis was grounded in the Christianity of Augustine and Calvin, but he had, nonetheless, a special affinity with secular circles. His warnings against utopianism, messianism and perfectionism strike a chord today.... We cannot play the role of God to history, and we must strive as best we can to attain decency, clarity and proximate justice in an ambiguous world.