나와틀(Nahuatl)어 멕시코에서 약200만명 사용

[변강쇠]

나와틀(Nahuatl)어  멕시코에서 약200만명 사용

나와틀어(nāhuatl ['naː.watɬ])는 유토아즈텍어족에 속하는 여러 방언군들을 총칭하여 나타내는 명칭이다. 중앙 아메리카 Viewer의 토착어로 나우아인들에 의해 사용되었으며, 멕시코 Viewer 중부지방이 핵심지역이다. 약 150만 명 정도가 사용한다.

적어도 7세기 Viewer부터 현재의 멕시코 중부에서 사용되었으며, 스페인 Viewer의 멕시코 정복시기인 16세기 Viewer에는 아즈텍 제국 Viewer의 공용어 Viewer로 쓰이고 있었다. 아즈텍 제국의 확장에 의해 나우아틀어는 이 지역의 군소방언을 몰아내고 지배적인 언어로 군림하였다. 스페인 Viewer 침입에 의해 로마자가 도입되어 문자로 기록되면서 나우아틀어는 문어를 보유하게 되었으며, 이후 많은 연대기, 문법서, 시집, 행정문서 등의 문서류가 16~17세기에 쓰였다. 초기의 나우아틀어 문어들은 고전 나우아틀어의 기반이 되는 테노치티틀란 방언으로 쓰였으며, 문서의 양이나 연구실적 등이 가장 많은 방언이다.

오늘날, 나우아틀어는 통일되지 않은 여러 방언으로 흩어졌으며, 각각 지방의 군소 공동체에서 쓰이고 있다. 이들 방언간에는 상호의사소통 Viewer이 되지 않을 정도로 변형된 것도 있다. 또한, 모두 국가의 지배적인 언어인 스페인어로부터 영향을 받고 있다. 2003년 추진된 토착민들의 언어권리에 대한 법률[1] Viewer에 의하여 나우아틀어는 다른 토착어들과 함께 멕시코의 국어중 하나로 채택되었다. 나우아틀어 사용지역에서는 법률상 나우아틀어가 스페인어와 동등한 법적 권리를 보장받는다.

나우아틀어는 수개의 어근과 접사가 통합하여 복잡다단한 의미를 나타내는 포합적 특징과 교착적 특징을 보이고 있다. 주변의 다른 토착어들로부터 많은 영향을 받았으며, 동시에 스페인어와 토착어들에게 영향을 주었다. 스페인어에 들어온 나우아틀어 어휘는 대부분 아메리카 토착의 사물이나 개념 등을 나타내는 말이다. 잘 알려진 것 중 하나는 토마토, 초콜릿 등이다.

The Aztecs, or Mexica as they called themselves, were the elite of a militaristic empire centered at Central Mexico when the Spanish conquistadores landed in America at the beginning of the 16th century CE. The Aztecs originated in the semi-arid environments of northern Mexico as one of the many barbarian or "Chichimec" tribes. When they arrived at the fertile Valley of Mexico at 14th century CE, they found the land already settled and divided by city states. They built their city, Tenochtitlan, in the marshes of Lake Texcoco, and quickly adopted much of the culture of their new neighbors. As a result, the Aztecs adopted a writing system that had been used for many centuries before and shared by many of the other nations of Central Mexico.

The language that the Aztec spoke was called Nahuatl. It was also the language of the majority of the people in Central Mexico and a lingua franca in large parts of Mesoamerica. The origin of Nahuatl writing is poorly understood. It most resembles Mixtec Viewer writing in that both use dots for numbers less than twenty (in contrast to the bar-and-dot notation used in Maya Viewer and Zapotec Viewer), share similar construction style of compound signs, and place emphasis on short texts that rely on painted scenes for narratives instead of longer texts. It is thought that Mixtec writing influenced Nahuatl writing, but both are possibly influenced by earlier writing systems of cities such as Xochicalco, Cacaxtla, and the even more ancient Teotihuacan.

Nahuatl writing was primary written on perishable media such as deer-skin and paper codices. Due to ravages of time and purposeful destruction of books by both the Aztecs and the Spanish conquistadores, no pre-Columbian book has survived to the modern age. All surviving documents containing Nahuatl writing were composed after the Conquest and contained a mixture of Aztec glyphs and Spanish notes. There are a few codices made before the Conquest from the Puebla region in a somewhat different style known as the "international" Mixteca-Puebla, style, but their exact relationship to either Aztec or Mixtec Viewer writing is still somewhat obscure.

General Overview

Nahuatl writing had three primary functions, namely to mark calendrical dates, to record accounting mathematical calculations, and to write names of people and places. No continuous texts like those of the Maya Viewer, Epi-Olmec Viewer, or even Zapotec Viewer writing system has been be found. As noted earlier, pictorial representation of events are used in lieu of long texts to record history.

Like other Mesoamerican scripts, the core of Nahuatl writing consists of a set of calendrical signs and a vigesimal number system. The most important calendrical cycle observed by the Aztecs was the 260-day sacred calendar, called tonalpohualli in Nahuatl. The tonalpohualli is essentially two parallel and interlocking cycles, one of 20 days (represented by "day signs"), and one of 13 days (represented by numbers called "coefficients"). The following are the 20 day signs in the Aztec sacred calendar. The Nahuatl names are in red, and their meanings in English are in blue.

A date in the tonalpohualli is composed of a day sign and and a coefficient. So, for example, the first day in the 260-day cycle would be 1 Cipactli. As both the day sign and the coefficient moves forward, the next day would be 2 Ehecatl. This goes on until 13 Acatl is reached, at which point the coefficient cycle loops back to 1, and hence the next day would be 1 Ocelotl. Similarly, upon reaching the last day sign on day 7 Xochitl, the day sign cycle goes back to the first sign, and the next day would be 8 Cipactl.

The Aztecs had a 365-day solar calendar called xiuhpohualli, which consisted of 18 months of 20 days, and an unlucky 5-day period at the end of the year. However, they rarely recorded dates in the solar calendar on manuscripts, and never on monuments.

In addition, like other Mesoamerican cultures, the Aztecs also employed the Calendar Round, a 52-year period created by interlocking the 260-day and 365-day cycles. A year in the Calendar Round was named by the tonalpohualli name of last day of the last month in the xiuhpohualli for that year. Because of the way the math worked out, only four day signs, namely Calli, Tochtli, Acatl, and Tecpatl, could be part of a year's name, and hence they were called "year bearers". Accompanying the year bearers were coefficients, which could range from 1 to 13. To distinguish Calendar Round years from days in the 260-day calendar, years glyphs were drawn inside rectangular "cartouches". A good example occurs in the Codex Telleriano-Remensis, a document written after the Spanish Conquest but at a time when knowledge of the pre-Columbian culture was still available. In this document, Aztec years are correlated to Western Gregorian years.

As you have probably gathered by now, Aztec numbers are represented by long sequences of dots. In general, the Aztecs almost exclusively used dots on manuscripts as well as on stone monuments, but the more ancient bar-and-dot system does make rare appearances on carved monuments as well, primarily due to artistic consideration. The dot system, while feasible for calendrical use (since no number will ever exceed 20), was impossible when dealing with accounting, especially since the Aztec Empire had to record large amounts of tribute frequently demanded from its provinces. The Codex Mendoza, another post-Conquest manuscript, depicted life in Central Mexico around the time of conquest and also contained a section on the tribute exacted by the Empire. To count items in excess of 20 efficiently, the Aztecs used glyphs for the numbers 20 (a flag), 400 (a feather), and 8000 (a bag of incense).

For example, the number 500 would be a feather and five flags (400 + 5 x 20 = 500). To indicate that the multiple glyphs forming a number belong to a single sign group, a line is drawn to connect all the glyphs. The line is then connected to the object it is counting.

The previous examples are taken from the Codex Mendoza, and they provide both the Aztec and Spanish versions of the information they are conveying. On the left, you can see the a bundle topped by a series of five flags, which is the number 100 (5 x 20), and is reflected by the Spanish caption "çient cargas de cacao", meaning "100 loads of cacao beans". In the middle, the Aztec representation is that of four flags and a bird, which is mirroed in the Spanish caption "ochenta pieles de pajaros deste color", or "80 pelts of birds of this color". And finally, on the right, the caption "cccc manojo de plumas coloradas" meant "400 bundles of red feathers" and is shown in Aztec as a schematic, black feather (400) with a bundle of red feathers.

Logograms

In addition to calendrical and numeric signs, a number of highly pictorial logograms were used to write down personal names, names of places, and historical events. For example, there are many records of the Aztec army conquering other cities documented in the Codex Mendoza. To show that a city has been conquered, the city's name is written next to the "conquered" glyph which is a temple (pyramid) in smoke and flames with its top toppling over. In the following example, the ancient cities Colhuacan and Tenayucan were shown to be conquered. And to drive the point home, Aztec warriors are shown with captives taken from these conquered cities.

The Nahuatl language is polysynthetic, which means that compound words and long phrases are constructed from roots and affixes. Reflecting this characteristic, Aztec names are often written as groups of highly pictorial logograms that make up the roots of the name. The glyphs are joined together or even sometimes combined into a single glyph (a process called conflation) to show that they form a compound word. The following are a number of examples of logograms forming glyph blocks. Note that logograms are transcribed using bold upper case letters in their root forms, meaning the unchanging part of the word. Also note that Nahuatl nouns are transcribed in italicized lower case letters in the absolutive case, which is the root plus an ending of either -tl, -tli, or -li. While too longer to explain here, the absolutive case in Nahuatl can be thought as the singular subject of a sentence.

Chilapan means "Above the River of Chiles" and graphically is composed of two glyphs. The red (presumably hot) chile pepper glyph is the logogram CHIL, which represents the Nahuatl root chil-li ("chile"). The other glyph is a stylized cross-section of a river which is the logogram for APAN, standing for the Nahuatl root apan ("river").

Macuilxochic is composed of the roots macuil-li ("five", represented by five dots), xochi-tl ("flower", represented by the logogramXOCHI), and the suffix -c ("place") which is omitted. Note that in general, suffixes that meaning "place of", or "near" such as -c, -co, and -can are usually omitted from writing, likely considered implicit by Aztec scribes. Macuilxochic therefore means "Place of Five Flowers", or in other words, a place dedicated to the god Macuilxochitl or "Five Flowers" who is also known as Xochipilli, the patron of arts in the Aztec pantheon.

Ocelotepec contains a glyph in the form of a wildcat head that stands for the logogram OSELO (ocelo-tl, "ocelot") and the hill glyphTEPE (tepe-tl, "hill"). Once again the grammatical ending -c is omitted. Together the glyphs means "Place of Ocelot Hill".

Xochimilco means the the "Place of Flower Fields", from XOCHI (xochi-tl, "flower"), MIL (mil-li, "sown field"), and omitted suffix -co("place"). Nowadays this is a historical region of Mexico City that still preserves the canal and man-made islands of the lake that once covered modern Mexico City.

Ilhuicamina, from ILWIKA (ilhuica-tl, "sky") and MI (mina, "lance", "arrow"), meaning "He Who Shoots an Arrow into the Sky", is the name of the fifth Aztec emperor (also known as Moctezuma I). Note that the logogram ILWIKA "sky" is represented by the band containing stars (the white dots) and the symbol for Venus.

Chimalpopoca is composed of two logograms, CHIMAL (chimal-li, "shield") and POPOKA (popoca-c, "smoking"), which together means "Smoking Shield" and is the name of the third Mexica emperor.

Atemoztli contains A (a-tl, "water") plus conjugated form of the verb temoa ("fall", "descent") to yield "Descent of the Waters", is the name of the 16th Aztec "month" of twenty days. Note that the temple in this case is part of the logogram TEMO.

Ehecatlapechco means "Place of the Altar of Ehecatl" and is composed of the logograms E'EKA (eheca-tl, "wind", represented by bearded mask) and TLAPECH (tlapech-tli, "altar"), and omitted suffix -co.

Rebus Writing

While a lot of Nahuatl names can be represented by joining logograms together for their meaning, sometimes it is difficult to visually depict a concept graphically. To solve this, in certain cases a logogram is used for its phonetic value rather than its meaning in order to represent another root, suffix, or syllable(s) that sounds identical or similar to the logogram. This process is called rebus writing and is also quite productive in Aztec writing, as you can see in the following examples.

Coatzinco means "Place of Little Snake", and contains the logograms KOA (coa-tl, "snake") and TZIN (tzin-tli, "buttocks", represented by the lower half of the body). The buttocks, tzin-tli, is used in this case as its root form tzin happens to be homophonous with the diminutive suffix -tzin which roughly means "little". The suffix -co ("place of") is omitted.

Oztoticpac is composed of root osto-tl ("cave") and suffixes -icpa ("above") and -c ("place of"), and means "Place Above the Cave". The glyph for cave OSTO is the head of a reptilian earth monster, as Mesoamericans viewed caves as living beings. And in order to write the suffix -icpa, the sign IKPA (icpa-tl, "yarn") is used for its phonetic value. Also, its position on top of the cave reinforces the concept of "above".

Cuauhnahuac means "Place Near the Trees" and consists of cuauh-tli means "trees" and endings -nahua ("near to") and -c. The logogram KWAW in the form of a stylized tree-branch tree represents the root cuah. To represent -nahua, Aztec scribes used the sign group NAWA containing a mouth and a speech scroll to represent the verb nahua "to speak clearly" (whose noun form is "Nahuatl", the name of the language of the Aztecs). In the present day this city is known as Cuernavaca, a form resulting from the Spanish mishearing Cuauhnahuac and transforming into a word with Spanish meaning.

Calixtlahuaca is composed of the words cal-li ("house") and ixtlahuaca ("plain"). The glyph KAL in the form of a house transparently represents the root cal. What is interesting is that the lower element, the brown rectangle with vertical notches, would be read as the logogram MIL (mil-li, "sown field", as in Xochimilco above) except for the two round objects inside which are in fact eyes. The root for "eye" in Nahuatl is ix, which means that the eyes serves as a kind of phonetic complement or indicator to tell the reader that the brown rectangle glyph is the lgoogram IXTLAWAKA instead.

Phonetic Glyphs

Rebus writing is one of the ways to represent sounds rather than meanings in Nahuatl writing. In addition, a number of Nahuatl logograms can also function as single-syllable phonetic signs. And in fact, like rebus writing, their phonetic values are derived from the words the logograms represent. However, unlike rebus writing which uses the full sound of the root, phonetic glyphs are always single-syllable and take their value from the first syllable (minus any ending consonants) of the word the logograms represent. This is called the acrophonic principle and is found throughout writing systems of the world.

The following is a chart of Nahuatl glyphs with known phonetic values.

For example, the glyph a is derived from a-tl "water", tla is a set of teeth and based on the word tlan-tli "tooth", and ko which is from comi-tl "pot". Note that while logograms are transcribed using upper-case letters, phonetic signs are transcribed with lower-case letters.

Often names found in Aztec manuscripts and monuments included a good amount of phonetic glyphs. Sometimes the phonetic glyphs serve to complement logograms, in that they spell out one or more syllables of the logogram. Sometimes the glyphs spell out whole syllables without the presence of logograms. And somewhat more rarely, the entire name is written out fully phonetically.

Mapachtepec is composed of the Nahuatl roots mapach-tli ("raccoon") and tepe-tl ("hill") plus the ending -c ("place"), which together means "Place of Raccoon Hill". Instead of drawing a raccoon, the root mapach is written fully phonetically by a combination of the phonetic glyph ma and the logogram PACH "moss" used as a rebus.

Xocoyoltepec means "Place of Wood Sorrel Hill", from xocoyol-li ("wood sorrel"), tepe-tl and ending -c. The wood sorrel or oxalis isxocoyol-li in Nahuatl and is denoted by the logogram XOKOYOL in the form of a three-leaf plant glyph. The foot under the plant is the phonetic glyph xo, functioning as a phonetic complement to make it clear that the plant depicted is indeed the wood sorrel.

Amacoztitlan, from ama-tl ("paper"), cos-tli ("yellow"), and -tlan ("place"), meaning "Place of Yellow Papers". The water glyph is the phonetic sign a in this case, providing the initial vowel /a/ and serving as the phonetic complement for the logogram AMA "paper".Cos-tli "yellow" is expressed as the yellow coloring of the AMA logogram. The ending -tlan is phonetically depicted by the glyph tla.

Tozoztontli is the third month of twenty days in the Aztec solar calendar. It means "Little Vigil" and is a derivation of the verb tosoa("to hold vigil"). However, the root is in fact toso, which is why the word is represented by a bird (phonetic glyph to) pierced by a spine (phonetic so).

Piaztlan means "Place of Acocote", composed of the root piaz-tli ("acocote", a long dried gourd used to extract maguey nectar), and ending -tlan. The root piaz is almost fully spelled out completely using the phonetic glyphs pi and a. The ending -tlan is omitted in this case.

Cihuatlan simply means "Place of Woman". The head of the woman functions as the logogram SIWA (cihua-tl, "woman"). The two black vertical stripes is the phonetic sign wa and serves as phonetic complement to show that the female head should be read ascihua rather than the similar-looking female logogram NAN "mother". The ending -tlan is once again omitted.

Ilancueitl was the wife of the first Aztec emperor Amacapichtli. Her name means "Old Woman Skirt" and is composed of the rootsilama-tl ("old woman") and cue-itl ("skirt"), which is represented by the rectangular skirt logogram KWE. The first root ilama-tl changes to ilan in this situation and appears to be only represented by the phonetic glyph la above the skirt. However, the mask inside the skirt might be a logogram for ilama-tl, which means that the phonetic glyph la would serve as a phonetic complement.

Tizoc is the name of seventh Aztec emperor as recorded in colonial manuscripts, although the exact form and meaning of his name is unknown. In fact, there are several ways to write his name that compound the confusion. In the current example, it is written phonetically as te-so, or Tesoc, which might be a derivative of the verb eso "to bleed" and supports one interpretation of his name as "He Who Bleeds People", a properly martial monicker. On the other hand, on the famous Tizoc Stone which commemorates his military conquests, his name is drawn as a leg with dots. The dots typically represent chalk, tisa-tl, and the leg might be the phonetic glyph xo, which would support the reading of Tisoc. However, whether his name has anything to do with chalk is unknown. Interestingly, one of the differences between Eastern and Western Nahuatl dialects is the alternation of the sounds /e/ and /i/, meaning that one word in Eastern Nahuatl with the sound /e/ has a corresponding word in Western Nahuatl with /i/. It is likely that his name was written Tesoc in the older, more prestigious Eastern dialect but spelled as Tisoc in the Western dialect which was the dialect of the Aztecs.

One might find that from the previous examples the Aztec writing system is complicated and not straightforward to modern eyes. Glyphs can be polyvalent, functioning as both logograms and phonetic signs, and are not always read in a linear fashion but could jump from one end to another. However, Aztecs and their neighbors produced countless numbers of manuscripts with subject matters as diverse as time-keeping, astrology, mythology, genealogy, and history. While these manuscripts were highly pictorial, intimate knowledge of the underlying language, Nahuatl, was absolutely essential to fully interpret the glyphs. In this regard, the Aztec glyphs truly constituted an active and productive writing system.

케추아(Quechua)어 사용지역 (약 800여 만명 사용)

케추아어(케추아어 Viewer: Runa Simi)는 남아메리카 Viewer 토착민들의 언어이다. 잉카 제국 Viewer이 제국의 공용어로 채택한 이래, 오랫동안 중앙 안데스 지방을 중심으로 가장 큰 세력을 갖고 있던 언어로, 남북 아메리카를 통틀어 가장 사용인구가 많은 언어이다.(약 천만 명) 다만, 오늘날에는 여러 방언으로 분화되었다. 볼리비아와 페루에서는 스페인어와 함께 공용어로 지정되어 있으며, 콜롬비아, 에콰도르, 아르헨티나 북서부, 칠레 북부등에도 사용인구가 있다. 케추아어는 매우 규칙적인 활용형을 갖는 교착어로, 어순은 SOV이다. 많은 접사들이 미묘한 의미를 바꾼다. 동사는 주어외에 목적어에도 호응하여 형태를 바꾸며, 증거성(Evidentiality)이 문법범주에 포함된다.

Number of Speakers: About 8,354,000

Key Dialects: See below

Geographical Center: Peru, Ecuador, Bolivia

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

Estimates of the numbers of speakers vary from 5 to 12 million. Cerrón-Palomino (1987:76) gives a total of 8,354,125 speakers distributed to seven countries as follows: Peru (4,402,023); Ecuador (2,233,000); Bolivia (1,594,000); Argentina (120,000). It is also spoken in Colombia, Brazil and Chile with less than 5,000 speakers in the three countries combined.

LINGUISTIC AFFILIATION

Quechua is a family of 46 languages and dialects spoken in a broad area of South America that extends to seven countries. It is divided into two main groups: group I, with 17 languages, and group II, with 29 languages. The second group is further divided into subgroups A, B, and C, with 4, 14, and 11 languages respectively.

LANGUAGE VARIATION

There is a major split between the two groups of dialects, group I and group II. The group II dialects are separated by the group I dialects located in the middle of the area where they are spoken. The four dialects of subgroup A of group II (Pacaroras, Cajamarca, Lambayeque, and Yauyos) are spoken in North Peru. They are surrounded by the 14 languages of subgroup B (Chachapoyas, San Martin, and Southern Pastaza in Peru, Inga and Jungle Inga in Colombia, and Highland Imbabura, Northern Pastaza, Lowland Napo, Highland Canar, Highland Tungurahua, Highland Loja, Highland Calderon, Highland Chimborazo, and Lowland Tena in Ecuador). The 11 dialects of subgroup C (Arequipa-La Union, Classical, Apurimac, Puno, Cuzco, and Ayacucho in South Peru, Chilean, in Chile, South and North Bolivian in Bolivia, and Northwest Jujuy, and Santiago Del Estero in Argentina) are spoken in two extended areas separated in the middle by an area in which the local population speaks the distinguished Aymara language.

ORTHOGRAPHY

The Incas never developed an alphabet. The only records the language possessed were kept by means of an arrangement of cords of various colors, which were knotted in different ways. All literature prior to the Spanish conquest was handed down by oral tradition. The Spanish introduced the Roman alphabet but to this day the spelling has not been officially standardized. For example, the Peruvian Ministry of Education in 1975 adopted an official alphabet with 5 vowels, but then revised this in 1985 and switched to the 3-vowel system with the letters e and o reserved for Spanish loan words. The 3-vowel alphabet is the official one in Peru and government educational materials in Quechua are produced in it. It is also the officially accepted alphabet for education in Ecuador and Bolivia.

LINGUISTIC SKETCH

Quechua is an agglutinating language. Words are built up from a basic root followed by a number of suffixes each of which carries its own meaning and no suffix indicates more than one grammatical properties. As is typical for an agglutinating language, Quechua has a detailed derivational system. Many of the suffixes used in the language are in the boundaries between inflectional and derivational morphology. 

The distinction between the different grammatical categories is quite blurred in Quechua. Many verb roots are identical to noun roots and elements that belong to the category of adjectives in other languages, in Quechua appear without any modified nominals in their environment and accompanied by normal case suffixes. 

Number is represented in the nominal and verbal morphology, although in many cases it is only optional, or must be omitted (i.e. when the context is clearly plural). Quechua does not mark gender and only the use of specific auxiliary words can help distinguish male from female. There is extensive and obligatory marking for both topics and focused elements in the language, while definiteness is not marked. 

Verbs are classified as transitive, intransitive and equational or existential. The latter are also used to indicate surprise. Quechua verbs are inflected for person. Tenses are expressed by suffixes. For example Quechua has two past tenses indicated with two different suffixes. The first is for past events directly experienced and the second for those not directly experienced. There are also suffixes forming the causative, reflexive, and benefactive forms, as well as suffixes indicating movement, repetition, and so on. Object pronouns are incorporated into the verb. 

The language has a Subject-Object-Verb word order. The verb generally comes last in a sentence. However, as objects are explicitly marked, word order is fairly free. The vocabulary of the language has suffered heavy influence from Spanish acquiring numerous loan-words. Quechua also has many onomatopoeic words, especially making use of its ejective and aspirated stops, particularly the uvulars. It also makes considerable use of reduplication.

ROLE IN SOCIETY

Quechua is considered a low-prestige language and is not usually used in the media, television, and radio (with a few exceptions). Furthermore, there is extremely little written material published in Quechua. The only cultural domain where the language is used extensively is in traditional Andean music. 

In Peru education is exclusively in Spanish although many primary teachers use a combination of Spanish and Quechua with Quechua monolingual pupils. As education and integration spreads, Quechua monolingualism is rapidly declining. In Cuzco, for instance, the majority of speakers over 35 years old are usually fluent in Quechua but use it minimally. A large percentage of those less than 35 years old understand it but are reluctant to speak it. 

Quechua native speakers in the big cities consider speaking the language as an admission of undesirably low social background. On the other hand in small villages Quechua remains the everyday language while in formal contexts like government, administration, and so on Spanish is used. 

The concentration of people in urban centers is one of the main reasons for the decline of the part of the population that use the language in their everyday communication. In Bolivia and Ecuador the status of the language is considerably improved, owing to the success of indigenous movements. Bilingual education is present in the educational systems of both these countries at least in the lower levels. Moves to introduce and promote bilingual education in Quechua in Peru have been unsuccessful.

HISTORY

The place of origin for Quechua and a possible genetic relationship to Aymara are still topics of investigation and the locus of debate between historical linguists. One approach supports the view that Quechua originated somewhere in the central Peruvian coast, with later population movements to the north into the central regions and further north, to Ecuador and North Peru, and south to South Peru. The expansion of the Inca tribes took place over a period of less than two centuries. Many of the areas in which the Incas moved to were already speaking Quechua dialects some of which were very similar to the Cuzco dialect which was the common language of the Inca’s empire. In some areas the Incas moved into non-Quechua areas, particularly the Aymara one to the south. However, the use of the Aymara language continued undisturbed even though the Incas’ occasional policy was to enforce major population movements in order to settle problems in specific areas. For some time Quechua continued expanding, at the expense of Aymara, in Bolivia and into the Peruvian Amazon, S. Colombia, Brazil and Chile. By the 18th century popular revolts saw it banned by the Spanish in some periods. The Peruvian and Bolivian independence that came in 1825 was not under the control of any indigenous movement and during the independence years Native Andean languages continued to exist marked as underprivileged languages, with no written form and records, and increasingly abandoned in favor of socially far more acceptable Spanish. This situation has largely continued to this day, though there are now efforts to restore some prestige to these languages. This includes establishing alphabets and a standard written form, at least for each of the various main dialects. This has almost been achieved for Aymara and some dialects of Quechua, though there are still arguments as to what types of alphabets need to be used. There are also growing efforts to introduce native languages as languages of (at least primary) education, to have written works published in the language, and to give it a greater presence in modern media, particularly radio (I am not aware of any Quechua television broadcasting yet).

REFERENCES

Campbell, G. L. 1991. Compendium of the World's Languages, Vol. 1 -2. London and New York: Routledge. 

Cerrón-Palomino, Rodolfo. 1987. Lingüística Quechua. Centro Bartolomé de las Casas: Cuzco, Peru. 

Grimes, B. F., ed. 1992. Ethnologue, Languages of the World. Dallas, TX: Summer Institute of Linguistics. 

Linguistic Society of America. 1992. Directory of Programs in Linguistics in the United States and Canada. Washington, DC. 

Ruhlen, M. 1987. A Guide to the World's Languages, Vol. 1: Classification. London: Edward Arnold. 

Sola, Donald F. and Gary J. Parker. 1964. The Structure of Ayacucho Quechua. Eric: ED 012 043. 

Sola, Donald F. and Yolanda Lastra. 1964. The Structure of Cochabamba Quechua. Eric: ED 012 039. 

Sola, Donald F. 1967. The Structure of Cuzco Quechua. Eric: ED 012 035.