Re: 나토 사령관, 미국의 공백은 대부분 채웠고, 일부 부족한 부분은 대체 방안을 검토중

[위종민]

Air and Space Forces Magazine에서 관련 내용을 취재했네요. 6월 람슈타인 플래그 훈련을 진행했는데, 미국은 KC-135 한 대만 지원했고 부족분은 유럽의 A330 MRTT들이 채우거나 지상급유로 해결했다고 합니다. 전략폭격기 숫자가 줄어든 건 지상발사 미사일을 배치하고 전투기 의존도를 높여야 한다고 하네요.  

스웨덴과 체코의 그리펜 전투기 및 프랑스의 라팔 전투기가 2026년 6월 16일 핀란드 상공에서 NATO의 람슈타인 플래그(Ramstein Flag) 공중훈련에 참가하고 있다. 사진: Chris Gordon / Air & Space Forces Magazine

유럽은 미국이 물러나는 공군력 공백을 NATO에서 메울 수 있을까?

2026년 7월 7일

Chris Gordon

도널드 트럼프 미국 대통령과 NATO 정상들이 오랫동안 예정됐던 터키 NATO 정상회의를 위해 모인 가운데, 가장 시급한 과제 가운데 하나는 유럽이 오랫동안 미국이 담당해 온 공중전 능력을 대체하려는 상황에서 NATO가 어떻게 적응할 것인가 하는 문제다.

트럼프 행정부는 지난 5월, 위기 발생 시 NATO에 배정해 두었던 전력을 축소해 더 많은 미국 자산을 태평양과 서반구에 배치하겠다고 동맹국들에 통보했다. 또한 미군은 유럽 주둔 미군의 규모와 구성, 임무 요구사항도 재검토하고 있다.

유럽이 이러한 공백을 메우기 위해 분주히 움직이는 가운데, 7월 7일 만찬으로 시작해 8일 정상회의를 이어가는 이번 이틀간의 정상회의는 "실용적이고 현실적인 성과"에 초점을 맞출 기회가 될 것이라고 NATO 최고군사령관인 알렉서스 G. 그린케비치 미 공군 대장은 말했다.

벨기에 몽스 인근 NATO 본부에서 Air & Space Forces Magazine과 가진 최근 인터뷰에서 그는 "우리는 친구들로 구성된 하나의 팀으로서 서로에게 책임을 물어야 한다"며 "우리가 헤이그 정상회의에서 약속한 사항을 이행하고 있는가? 목표 전력을 달성하고 있는가? 우리 전력의 회복탄력성을 제대로 구축하고 있는가? 우리의 계획은 어떻게 진행되고 있는가?"라고 말했다.

이어 "그러한 솔직하고 개방적인 논의를 하다 보면 축하할 만한 부분도 있을 것이고, 더 분발해야 할 부분도 있을 것이다. 모두가 조금 더 힘을 내야 한다"고 덧붙였다.

트럼프 행정부가 올해 1월 발표한 국가방위전략(NDS)은 NATO 동맹국들이 유럽의 재래식 방위를 "주도적으로 책임지고", 미국은 "중요하지만 보다 제한적인 지원"을 제공하도록 하는 방침을 담고 있다.

미국이 어떤 임무를 유럽 동맹국들에 넘기는지는 현재 기밀로 진행 중인 이른바 'NATO 전력모델(NATO Force Model)' 논의를 통해 구체화되고 있다. 이 모델은 분쟁이나 위기 발생 후 최초 10일, 30일, 180일 동안 각국이 제공해야 할 병력과 장비를 규정하며, 유럽 방어를 위해 동원 가능한 항공기의 수량과 종류도 포함하고 있다.

유럽의 공군력은 6월 실시된 람슈타인 플래그 훈련에서 잘 드러났다. NATO 공군은 이 훈련을 통해 유럽 국경 방어 능력을 점검했으며, Air & Space Forces Magazine은 노르웨이·스웨덴·핀란드에서 진행된 북부 훈련을 직접 취재했다.

미국 공군 자산 상당수가 이란 전쟁과 이후 이어진 불안정한 휴전 지원에 투입된 상황에서, 훈련에 참가한 200여 대의 항공기 대부분은 유럽 국가들이 제공했다. 약 180대의 전투기 가운데 미국 기체는 미 공군 F-35A 12대와 미 해병대 F-35B 8대 등 총 20대뿐이었고, 나머지는 다른 NATO 회원국 소속이었다. 이 훈련은 미국의 전력 감축 발표 이전에 이미 계획된 것이었다.

여러 유럽 국가들이 F-35를 도입하고 있어 전투기 분야에서는 상당 부분 미국의 공백을 메울 수 있는 위치에 있다. 그러나 전투기 이외의 미국 전력을 대체하는 일은 훨씬 더 복잡하다. 미국은 서방 국가 가운데 유일하게 장거리 전략폭격기를 운용하고 있으며, 다른 NATO 국가들의 공중급유 능력은 제한적이다.

이러한 공중급유기의 부족은 람슈타인 플래그 훈련에서도 드러났다. 미국의 공중급유기와 폭격기 상당수가 이란 작전에 투입되면서, 미 공군은 유럽 국가들보다 훨씬 많은 공중급유기를 보유하고 있음에도 이번 훈련에는 KC-135 단 한 대만 투입했다. 부족한 부분은 유럽의 Airbus A330 MRTT 공중급유기들이 일부 보완했고, 그 외에는 여러 기지에서 지상급유를 실시하는 방식으로 대응했다.

NATO 연합공군사령관이자 주유럽 미 공군사령관인 제이슨 하인즈 중장은 유럽의 지리적 특성상 지상기지가 공중급유를 상당 부분 대체할 수 있다고 설명했다.

그는 Air & Space Forces Magazine과의 인터뷰에서 "공중급유기가 부족할 경우 우리는 스칸디나비아 전역과 중부 유럽에 분산된 40개의 급유 거점을 활용한다"며 "이를 통해 전투에 투입된 뒤 다른 기지에 착륙해 급유하고, 필요하면 재무장까지 할 수 있다"고 말했다.

그는 스웨덴 북극권의 룰레오 공군기지에서 인터뷰했는데, 직전에는 소수의 정비 인력이 그리펜 전투기 한 대를 20분도 채 되지 않아 급유와 재무장을 완료하는 장면이 시연됐다.

2026년 6월 16일 스웨덴 룰레오 공군기지에서 스웨덴 공군 정비요원들이 그리펜 전투기를 준비하고 있다. 사진: Chris Gordon / Air & Space Forces Magazine.

미국이 위기 시 전략폭격기 제공 규모를 축소하면 NATO 회원국들은 더 많은 지상발사 미사일을 배치하고 전투기에 더욱 의존해야 할 가능성이 높다. 다만 일부 전문가들은 이것만으로 충분한지 의문을 제기하고 있다.

그린케비치 대장은 "미국은 전 세계 다른 지역에서 발생할 수 있는 위기까지 고려하고 있으며, 실제로 제공하기 어려운 전력을 약속하지 않겠다는 것"이라며 "동맹국들은 자신들이 어떤 기여를 해야 하는지를 현실적으로 이해하게 된다"고 말했다.

러시아의 위협을 고려하면 신속한 대응이 필요하다는 점은 분명하다. 러시아 지상군은 우크라이나에서 장기 소모전에 묶여 있지만, 공군력과 미사일 전력은 대부분 건재하다고 그는 설명했다.

그는 "러시아 공군과 미사일 전력은 우크라이나군이 러시아 지상군에 가한 수준의 소모를 겪지 않았다"며 "폭격기와 전투기, 탄도미사일 등 주요 전력은 여전히 남아 있다"고 말했다.

이어 "우크라이나에서 일부 탄약을 소모하고는 있지만 플랫폼 자체는 그대로이며, 탄도미사일과 순항미사일 생산도 계속되고 있다. 따라서 러시아는 상당한 화력과 상당한 잠재력을 여전히 보유하고 있다"고 평가했다.

미 의회의 공화당과 민주당 의원들 모두 트럼프 행정부의 유럽 내 미군 감축 결정에 의문을 제기하고 있다.

과거 독일 람슈타인 공군기지에서 비행단장을 지낸 공군 준장 출신 공화당 돈 베이컨 하원의원은 인터뷰에서 "우크라이나 침공과 발트 3국에 대한 러시아의 위협이 계속되는 상황에서 아무런 양보도 받지 않은 채 유럽 주둔 미 육군 여단 5개 가운데 2개를 철수시키는 것은 도저히 이해하기 어렵다"고 말했다.

그는 "시점도 좋지 않다"며 "동맹국들과 우리의 적인 러시아 모두에게 매우 잘못된 메시지를 보내고 있다"고 지적했다.

NATO의 국방비 지출은 오랫동안 부족했지만 독일과 폴란드를 비롯한 일부 회원국들은 군사비를 크게 늘리고 있다. 2025년 헤이그 정상회의에서 NATO는 회원국들이 2035년까지 국내총생산(GDP)의 3.5%를 핵심 군사력에 투자하고, 추가로 1.5%를 사이버 방어와 핵심 기반시설, 방산기반 강화 등 보다 광범위한 안보 분야에 투입하기로 합의했다.

NATO 군사위원회 의장인 이탈리아 해군 주세페 카보 드라고네 제독은 "NATO는 변화하고 있다"며 "캐나다와 유럽 국가들이 비용 분담과 지휘체계에서 더 많은 책임을 맡고 있다"고 말했다.

또 다른 NATO 고위 군 관계자들도 현재 진행 중인 변화가 성과를 내고 있다고 평가했다. NATO는 지난해 9월 러시아 드론이 폴란드 영공을 침범한 이후 동부 감시 임무인 '이스턴 센트리(Eastern Sentry)'를 시작했다.

NATO 부사령관인 영국 공군 총장 조니 스트링어는 SHAPE 본부 인터뷰에서 "이스턴 센트리는 공중경계 임무에서 공중방어 체제로 전환하는 중요한 계기가 됐다"고 말했다.

그는 "우리가 수행하는 활동은 전력의 대비태세와 능력을 향상시키고 있으며, 회원국과 국민들에게 NATO가 매일 방어와 억제를 수행하고 있다는 확신을 주고 있다"며 "동시에 NATO는 방어적 동맹이지만 모든 국민을 보호하는 데 매우 진지하다는 점을 적들에게 분명히 보여주고 있다"고 강조했다.

그린케비치 대장의 독일인 참모장인 마르쿠스 라우베탈 대장은 현재 가장 중요한 변화 가운데 하나는 동맹국들이 이러한 노력의 긴급성을 인식하게 된 점이라고 말했다.

그는 "우리의 변화는 결코 멈추지 않는다. 계속 이어지는 과정이다. 그러나 참모장으로서 나는 참모진과 연합작전사령부에 명확한 방향을 제시해야 한다"며 "'전시사령부로의 전환'은 이미 끝났다고 선언했다. 원하든 원하지 않든 우리는 이미 전시사령부다. 오늘 밤 임무가 주어진다면 오늘 밤 바로 수행해야 한다"고 말했다.

Can Europe Fill NATO Airpower Gaps as US Pulls Back?

wedish and Czech Gripen and French Rafale fighters fly over Finland during NATO's Ramstein Flag air exercise, June 16, 2026. Photo by Chris Gordon/Air & Space Forces Magazine

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Can Europe Fill NATO Airpower Gaps as US Pulls Back?

July 7, 2026 | By Chris Gordon

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As President Donald Trump and other alliance leaders gather for the long-awaited NATO summit meeting in Turkey, a pressing question is how the alliance adapts as Europe seeks to replace long-standing American air warfare capabilities. 

The Trump administration put the alliance on notice in May that it was scaling back the forces earmarked for NATO in the event of a crisis so that more U.S. assets can be allocated to the Pacific and the Western Hemisphere. The U.S. military is also reviewing the size, types, and requirements for American forces in Europe.

With Europe scrambling to fill the gaps, the two-day summit, which began with a dinner July 7 and continues with top-level meetings July 8, will be an opportunity to focus on “pragmatic and realistic outcomes,” said Air Force Gen. Alexus G. Grynkewich, Supreme Allied Commander Europe, NATO’s top military officer.

“We ought to, as a team of friends, hold each other to account. Are we meeting our Hague Summit commitments? Are we meeting our capability targets? Do we have the right resilience that we’re building into our force? How are our plans looking?” Grynkewich said in a recent interview with Air & Space Forces Magazine at his headquarters near Mons, Belgium. “And there will be some things as we do that—in that honest and open discussion—to celebrate. And there’ll be other things where we need to hold ourselves to account and get everyone to row a little harder.”

The Trump administration’s National Defense Strategy, published in January, calls for giving NATO allies “primary responsibility” for Europe’s conventional defense “with critical but more limited support.”

Details about which responsibilities are shifting to European partners are being spelled out in classified discussions of the so-called NATO Force Model. It specifies the forces and assets nations would provide during the first 10 days, 30 days, and 180 days of a conflict or crisis, which includes the numbers and types of aircraft that could be available to defend Europe in a contingency.

Europe’s role as an airpower provider was on display in June during the Ramstein Flag exercise, where NATO air forces practiced their ability to defend Europe’s frontiers. Air & Space Forces Magazine observed the exercise, with its northern portion carried out in Norway, Sweden, and Finland.

With many U.S. air assets supporting the war in Iran and the ensuing unsteady ceasefire that followed, European air forces fielded most of the 200-plus aircraft that took part in the exercise. Of some 180 fighter aircraft, only 20 were American F-35s—12 U.S. Air Force F-35As, and eight U.S. Marine Corps F-35Bs. The remainder were from other NATO members. The exercise was planned before the U.S. announced its cuts.

Multiple European allies are acquiring F-35s, which puts Europe in a position to pick up much of the slack. But replacing other non-fighter American assets will be more complicated. The U.S. is the only Western country with long-range bombers and other NATO members’ air-to-air refueling capabilities are limited. 

That tanker crunch was evident during Ramstein Flag. With much of the U.S. tanker and bomber force deployed for operations against Iran, the USAF deployed just one Air Force KC-135 tanker—a capability the U.S. has in far more abundance than European allies—for the exercise. Some of the slack was picked up by European Airbus A330 MRTT tankers. Otherwise, a variety of operating locations provided fuel on the ground.  

The head of NATO Allied Air Command, Lt. Gen. Jason Hinds, who also leads U.S. Air Forces in Europe, said Europe’s geography is such that ground bases can be valuable substitutes for aerial refueling. “When you have a shortfall of tankers, then we take advantage of 40 air refueling points that are scattered throughout the Scandinavian [nations] and also scattered throughout the center part of Europe,” he told Air & Space Forces Magazine. “That gives you the benefit of being able to fight, enter the combat zone, land at a different location, refuel, potentially even rearm.”

He was speaking from Luleå air base in Sweden’s Arctic Circle, where a short time earlier a Gripen fighter jet had been refueled and rearmed by a small team of personnel in less than 20 minutes.

Swedish Air Force personnel prepare a Gripen fighter at Luleå air base, Sweden, June 16, 2026. Photo by Chris Gordon/Air & Space Forces Magazine.

Scaling back the commitment to send American long-range bombers in a crisis will likely require NATO members to deploy more land-based missiles and rely more on fighters, though critics question whether this would be sufficient.

“What the U.S. is doing is accounting for other global contingencies that it might find itself in and not just promising something that it may not be able to give,” said Grynkewich, who is dual-hatted as head of U.S. European Command. “Therefore, allies have a realistic expectation of what they’re going to need to contribute.”

The need to act quickly is clear, given the threat of Russian aggression in the region. While Russia’s ground forces have been caught up in a grinding war of attribution in Ukraine, much of its air and missile forces are intact, Grynkewich said in an interview. 

“I would say those have not been subject to the same level of attrition and attritional warfare that the Ukrainians have imposed on Russian ground forces,” Grynkewich said. “So, they do still have the platforms and capabilities, whether it’s bombers or fighters or ballistic missiles.

“They, of course, are expending some munitions in Ukraine, but the platforms are there, and then their production for replacement ballistic missiles and cruise missiles continues. So, they have considerable firepower and considerable potential.”

Both Republicans and Democrats in Congress have questioned the Trump administration’s decision to reduce American presence in Europe.

Rep. Don Bacon (R-Neb.), a retired Air Force brigadier general who commanded a wing at Ramstein Air Base in Germany in the past, said in an interview that “with the invasion of Ukraine and the threats towards the Baltics, it’s pretty unconscionable why we pull out two of the five [U.S. Army] brigades [in Europe] without any concessions from Russia.”

Bacon said the timing is regrettable: “It’s sending terrible messages to our allies and to Russia, who’s our adversary.”

While NATO defense spending has lagged for years, some members, including Germany and Poland, have stepped up military spending. The alliance’s goal, spelled out at a 2025 summit meeting in The Hague, calls on NATO members to spend 3.5 percent of their gross domestic product on core military capabilities by 2035. Another 1.5 percent would be spent on broader security needs, including cyber defense, critical infrastructure, and strengthening the industrial base.

“NATO is adapting,” said Italian Adm. Giuseppe Cavo Dragone, Chair of the NATO Military Committee. “Canada and European nations are taking more responsibility” in sharing costs and in the alliance’s command structures.

Other senior allied military officials say that the steps NATO is now taking are paying off. The alliance launched the Eastern Sentry mission last year following Russian drone incursions into Poland in September.

Air Chief Marshal Johnny Stringer, who serves as the deputy NATO commander, said that the mission had been an opportunity to strengthen the alliance.

“Eastern Sentry really marked, I think, a transition from air policing into the air defense mindset,” he said in an interview at Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe. “The activities we do are generating readiness and capability in forces. They reassure our nations and their people that actually the alliance is out there defending and deterring every day. And it’s making sure that our adversaries get the message that whilst we are a defensive alliance, we are deadly serious about protecting all our people.”

Gen. Markus Laubethal, Grynkewich’s German chief of staff at SHAPE, said one of the most important shifts has been the appreciation among allies of the urgency of these efforts.

“Transformation for us never stops. This permanently continues, but as Chief of Staff, I need to give the staff and the [Allied Command Operations] commands clear direction and guidance,” Laubethal said. “Therefore, I declared the ‘transition to warfighting headquarters’ over. I said we are a warfighting headquarters if you wish or not. If you are asked tonight, we must perform tonight.”

wedish and Czech Gripen and French Rafale fighters fly over Finland during NATO's Ramstein Flag air exercise, June 16, 2026. Photo by Chris Gordon/Air & Space Forces Magazine

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Can Europe Fill NATO Airpower Gaps as US Pulls Back?

July 7, 2026 | By Chris Gordon

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As President Donald Trump and other alliance leaders gather for the long-awaited NATO summit meeting in Turkey, a pressing question is how the alliance adapts as Europe seeks to replace long-standing American air warfare capabilities. 

The Trump administration put the alliance on notice in May that it was scaling back the forces earmarked for NATO in the event of a crisis so that more U.S. assets can be allocated to the Pacific and the Western Hemisphere. The U.S. military is also reviewing the size, types, and requirements for American forces in Europe.

With Europe scrambling to fill the gaps, the two-day summit, which began with a dinner July 7 and continues with top-level meetings July 8, will be an opportunity to focus on “pragmatic and realistic outcomes,” said Air Force Gen. Alexus G. Grynkewich, Supreme Allied Commander Europe, NATO’s top military officer.

“We ought to, as a team of friends, hold each other to account. Are we meeting our Hague Summit commitments? Are we meeting our capability targets? Do we have the right resilience that we’re building into our force? How are our plans looking?” Grynkewich said in a recent interview with Air & Space Forces Magazine at his headquarters near Mons, Belgium. “And there will be some things as we do that—in that honest and open discussion—to celebrate. And there’ll be other things where we need to hold ourselves to account and get everyone to row a little harder.”

The Trump administration’s National Defense Strategy, published in January, calls for giving NATO allies “primary responsibility” for Europe’s conventional defense “with critical but more limited support.”

Details about which responsibilities are shifting to European partners are being spelled out in classified discussions of the so-called NATO Force Model. It specifies the forces and assets nations would provide during the first 10 days, 30 days, and 180 days of a conflict or crisis, which includes the numbers and types of aircraft that could be available to defend Europe in a contingency.

Europe’s role as an airpower provider was on display in June during the Ramstein Flag exercise, where NATO air forces practiced their ability to defend Europe’s frontiers. Air & Space Forces Magazine observed the exercise, with its northern portion carried out in Norway, Sweden, and Finland.

With many U.S. air assets supporting the war in Iran and the ensuing unsteady ceasefire that followed, European air forces fielded most of the 200-plus aircraft that took part in the exercise. Of some 180 fighter aircraft, only 20 were American F-35s—12 U.S. Air Force F-35As, and eight U.S. Marine Corps F-35Bs. The remainder were from other NATO members. The exercise was planned before the U.S. announced its cuts.

Multiple European allies are acquiring F-35s, which puts Europe in a position to pick up much of the slack. But replacing other non-fighter American assets will be more complicated. The U.S. is the only Western country with long-range bombers and other NATO members’ air-to-air refueling capabilities are limited. 

That tanker crunch was evident during Ramstein Flag. With much of the U.S. tanker and bomber force deployed for operations against Iran, the USAF deployed just one Air Force KC-135 tanker—a capability the U.S. has in far more abundance than European allies—for the exercise. Some of the slack was picked up by European Airbus A330 MRTT tankers. Otherwise, a variety of operating locations provided fuel on the ground.  

The head of NATO Allied Air Command, Lt. Gen. Jason Hinds, who also leads U.S. Air Forces in Europe, said Europe’s geography is such that ground bases can be valuable substitutes for aerial refueling. “When you have a shortfall of tankers, then we take advantage of 40 air refueling points that are scattered throughout the Scandinavian [nations] and also scattered throughout the center part of Europe,” he told Air & Space Forces Magazine. “That gives you the benefit of being able to fight, enter the combat zone, land at a different location, refuel, potentially even rearm.”

He was speaking from Luleå air base in Sweden’s Arctic Circle, where a short time earlier a Gripen fighter jet had been refueled and rearmed by a small team of personnel in less than 20 minutes.

Swedish Air Force personnel prepare a Gripen fighter at Luleå air base, Sweden, June 16, 2026. Photo by Chris Gordon/Air & Space Forces Magazine.

Scaling back the commitment to send American long-range bombers in a crisis will likely require NATO members to deploy more land-based missiles and rely more on fighters, though critics question whether this would be sufficient.

“What the U.S. is doing is accounting for other global contingencies that it might find itself in and not just promising something that it may not be able to give,” said Grynkewich, who is dual-hatted as head of U.S. European Command. “Therefore, allies have a realistic expectation of what they’re going to need to contribute.”

The need to act quickly is clear, given the threat of Russian aggression in the region. While Russia’s ground forces have been caught up in a grinding war of attribution in Ukraine, much of its air and missile forces are intact, Grynkewich said in an interview. 

“I would say those have not been subject to the same level of attrition and attritional warfare that the Ukrainians have imposed on Russian ground forces,” Grynkewich said. “So, they do still have the platforms and capabilities, whether it’s bombers or fighters or ballistic missiles.

“They, of course, are expending some munitions in Ukraine, but the platforms are there, and then their production for replacement ballistic missiles and cruise missiles continues. So, they have considerable firepower and considerable potential.”

Both Republicans and Democrats in Congress have questioned the Trump administration’s decision to reduce American presence in Europe.

Rep. Don Bacon (R-Neb.), a retired Air Force brigadier general who commanded a wing at Ramstein Air Base in Germany in the past, said in an interview that “with the invasion of Ukraine and the threats towards the Baltics, it’s pretty unconscionable why we pull out two of the five [U.S. Army] brigades [in Europe] without any concessions from Russia.”

Bacon said the timing is regrettable: “It’s sending terrible messages to our allies and to Russia, who’s our adversary.”

While NATO defense spending has lagged for years, some members, including Germany and Poland, have stepped up military spending. The alliance’s goal, spelled out at a 2025 summit meeting in The Hague, calls on NATO members to spend 3.5 percent of their gross domestic product on core military capabilities by 2035. Another 1.5 percent would be spent on broader security needs, including cyber defense, critical infrastructure, and strengthening the industrial base.

“NATO is adapting,” said Italian Adm. Giuseppe Cavo Dragone, Chair of the NATO Military Committee. “Canada and European nations are taking more responsibility” in sharing costs and in the alliance’s command structures.

Other senior allied military officials say that the steps NATO is now taking are paying off. The alliance launched the Eastern Sentry mission last year following Russian drone incursions into Poland in September.

Air Chief Marshal Johnny Stringer, who serves as the deputy NATO commander, said that the mission had been an opportunity to strengthen the alliance.

“Eastern Sentry really marked, I think, a transition from air policing into the air defense mindset,” he said in an interview at Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe. “The activities we do are generating readiness and capability in forces. They reassure our nations and their people that actually the alliance is out there defending and deterring every day. And it’s making sure that our adversaries get the message that whilst we are a defensive alliance, we are deadly serious about protecting all our people.”

Gen. Markus Laubethal, Grynkewich’s German chief of staff at SHAPE, said one of the most important shifts has been the appreciation among allies of the urgency of these efforts.

“Transformation for us never stops. This permanently continues, but as Chief of Staff, I need to give the staff and the [Allied Command Operations] commands clear direction and guidance,” Laubethal said. “Therefore, I declared the ‘transition to warfighting headquarters’ over. I said we are a warfighting headquarters if you wish or not. If you are asked tonight, we must perform tonight.”