영한 염치 없지만... 무료번역 좀 부탁합니다!

[mysoolee]

출판업에 관계하는 사람입니다.
<링컨>에 관한 책을 출판하려고 어느 번역회사에 번역을 의뢰했었습니다.(번역료 500만원 지불)
그런데 번역된 원고의 문맥이 이상하여 원서를 검토해보니, 마치 이가 빠진 것처럼 군데군데 번역이 누락되어 있었습니다.
번역회사에 그 사실을 말했더니... 번역을 한 사람의 행방이 묘연해서 어떻게 해줄 도리가 없다고 합니다.
(이래도 되는 겁니까?)

영문 번역에 재능을 가진 분들께 부탁드립니다.
번역회사에 크게 실망을 했기 때문에, 앞으로는 프리랜서 번역자에게 맡길 생각입니다.
전부가 아니라도 좋습니다. 일부라도 번역해주시면... 아마도 좋은 일이 생길는지도 모릅니다.


p. 147
('The document itself traveled in his carpetbag, initially in the custody of his son Robert, who earned a rare taste of his father's temper when he let it out of his sight on the very first day.)

p. 155
His inaugural had been designed to provide a breathing space, to give the loyal elements in the rebel states a chance to assert themselves.

(he felt, he said, "like the Justice of the Peace, who would often speak of the first case he had ever tried, and called it, his 'great first case least understood'")

p. 170
The same broad-based Unionism found expression‎, too, in the welcome proffered to the resolutions which two slave-state Democrats, John J. Crittenden and Andrew Johnson, introduced on the eve of the war's first large-scale military engagement. After the numbing, humiliating Union defeat at Bull Run, the two chambers of Congress, echoing the president's message, resolved almost unanimously "that this war is not waged, on our part, in any spirit of oppression, nor for any purpose of conquest or subjugation, nor purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the rights or established institutions" of the states.

In several instances, responding to the "no-party" initiative, the party's local and state conventions stopped meeting. When they did convene, nominations for office did not inevitably follow. Many "War Democrats" believed they should run no candidates during the crisis, and effectively left the party, to be subsumed within Republicanism. Others did run, but on separate tickets against party regulars, and split the vote; by 1862 these troublesome separate tickets had given way in some areas to "Union party" organizations, by which Republicans sought to fight the opposition.

p.183
Seward-"loaded to the muzzle" with international law-took the lead in arguing the case for releasing the Conferderate envoys, on the technical grounds that Wilkes had had every right to detain and search the Trent, but that he should have taken the vessel to a prize court.

p.198
And when the conservative Henry Halleck, replacing Fremont(불어), issued his General order No.3 excluding runaway slaves from Union lines, on the implausible grounds that they acted as spies for the Confederacy, the western commander faced broad-based censure.

To protect the human property of treasonous slaveocrats, whose resistance consumed the blood and dollars of loyal citizen, defied wisdom as well as morality.

p.199
that the conservative Cameron, through his report, had become the unlikely hero of Congressman Thaddeus Stevens and the "brimstone radicals," and that his own cautious leadership now placed him to the right of those who had once criticized him as a backwoods abolitionist.

p.200
He shocked Edward pierce, the young idealist responsible for the reedmen of the Sea Islands, with his irritable scorn for the "great itching to get negroes within our lines." But, as his annual message implied,

p.202
He continued during the spring to appeal eloquently to border loyalists, invoking "the signs of the times, " their own self-interest, and their historic opportunity to do good.

p.203
Confronted by thousands of abandoned slaves, Hunter saw their military possibilities.

In part, this was because of Hunter's less tenable position in law and because of the signals Lincoln had emitted by his message of Martch 6.

p.204
(which consolidated the Union's position and opended up the prospect of splintering the Confederacy down the line of the Mississippi)

(as he had not when revoking Fremont's proclamation nine months earlier.

p.211
but he took no rhetorical advantage of the coincidence that the period of grace was exactly one hundred days.

p.212
Lincoln, shedding the pretense of moderation, had emerged in his true colors as the fanatical puritan meddler.

p.213
The postmortem cast an exhausted president into a deeper well of depression. Conservatives blamed government by proclamation. Since slavery's death depended on military advance, insisted on western Republican, the only effect of an unnecessary emancipation order had been to resuscitate the Democrats "to active life" others lamented the order sanctioning arbitrary arrests, resulting in the harassment of loyal citizens by "a horde of irresponsible and contemptible detectives."

p.215
In deeming it a conservative message, the president's critics had a case. Lincoln's instinctive moderation and respect for constitutional process permeated proposals through which, however unlikely it was that they would be fully embraced, he wanted to be seen to be doing his presidential duty. A nation in revolutionary flux was on the brink of a war of subjugation, but until that moment arrived he had a responsibility to strive for the peaceful, graduated, compensated, conservative plan of emancipation that he had always favored-hence his emphasis on leaving the initiative with the states, on avoiding "vagrant destitution" and "the evils of sudden derangement," on the justice fo the who whole nation paying the costs and on the benefits of the voluntary deportation of blacks.

P.217
Burnside's battlefield misjudgment was scarcely Lincoln's fault-indeed, Lincoln had sought to warn against the very course that brought disaster-but the loss of over twelve thousand men in the worst defeat to date plunged northern opinion into the darkest desperation and even defeatism.

p.218
Some generals took pathbreaking initiatives: Hunter and Rufus Saxton with contrabands in the Department of the South; Butler with the free black citizens of New Orleans.

p.220
If Lincoln shared the common anxiety that blacks were unequal to the task, it was assuaged by his reading the Boston antiquarian George Livermore's recent pamphlet, a gift from Sumner, on their substantial role as soldiers during the Revolution.

p.221.
he thrived during his debates with Douglas, even putting on weight.

"Do you ever realize that the desolation, sorrow, grief, that pervades this country is owing to you?" a disconsolate Republican unnecessarily inquired.

p.223
that, as he confronted "great responsibility and great doubt, a feeling of religious reverence, and belief in God-his justice and overruling power-increased upon him." Mary Lincoln Herndon, "He was a religious man always, as I think."

p.225
Lincoln's campaign biographer, the Methodist John Locke Scripps, reminded him that he had "voluntarily accepted the highest responsibilities which any one not endowed with the Godhead could assume" and that from Godalone would come the strength, will, and wisdom he needed.

that the Almighty was an all-seeing, active force in history, ready to dispense retributive justice on a naturally sinful people and delinquent nation, but also ready to intervene to help human efforts directed toward a righteous end.

p.227
At other times, too, Lincoln spoke in orthodox language-of his "firm reliance upon the Divine arm," of seeking "light from above," and of being "a humble instrument in the hands of our Heavenly Father."

p.228
not he but "God had decided this question in favor of the slaves."

In earlier times and in other moods, he would-as we have noted-"ridicule the Puritans."

p.229
Lincoln expected no dramatic change to follow from his final proclamation. Indeed, events suggested he was right about its likeness to an ineffectual papal bull, for the Union cause suffered further buffeting through the winter and spring of 1863.

p.231
Nathaniel P. Banks, commander of the Department of the Gulf, received a similar message in August. "For my own part," Lincoln wrote, "I think I shall not, ...as executive, ever return to slavery and person who is free by the terms of that proclamation, or by any of the acts of Congress."

Only once, in the darkest days of laste August 1864, believing his electoral defeat inescapable, did he contemplate an offer of peace without emancipation.

233
"My enemies condemn my emancipation policy," he noted. "But no human power can subdue this rebellion without using the Emancipation lever as I have done."

Huring "slave soil to free," as Lincoln said in support of the admission of West Virginia as a free state, "is a certain, and irrevocable encroachment upon the cause of the rebellion."

p.243
"I am naturally anti-slavery," he told Hodges and other Kentuckians, but he had never allowed his "primary abstract judgment on the moral question" to overrule his constitutional obligations.

p.235
"When brought to my final reckoning, may I have to answer for robbing no man of his goods; yet more tolerable even this, than for robbing one of himself, and all that was his." there is little in Lincoln's recorded words to suggest that he believed in an afterlife, no matter how often he brooded about death, or how much he wanted to share the common belief in a reunion with loved ones beyound the grave.

p.238
The political and military arguments for caution had been real enough, but so, too, had Lincoln's constitutional scruples, especially over an "absolutist" assault on slavery in the Louisiana enclave and other "exempted localities" of the proclamation. The complex geometry of reconstruction strategy led Lincoln to describe it as "the greatest question ever presented to practical statesmanship."

p.240.
The "leading object" of democratic government was " to elevate the condition of men-to lift artificial weights from all shoulders-to clear the paths of laudable pursuit for all-to afford all, an unfettered start, and a fair chance, in the race of life."

(Hahn made Lincoln's preference known to Louisiana's constitution-markers, but as a mere wish it lacked political force, and the convention simply left open a possibility of future legislative action.

p.247
(Here, by invoking the sins and responsibilities of communities and nations, Lincoln exposed his intellectual debt to the Puritan-Calvinist tradition of citizenship)

He tod Thurlow Weed that he expected it "to wear as well as-perhaps better than -anything I have produced.:

The abrasions of war had cumulatively wrought profound changes in Lincoln's thought and political agenda by stages the cautions Kentuchy Whig moved into the orbit of Yankee Protestant Republicanism, ready to ive more sympathetic consideration-if not complete approval-to the radicals' program. He advanced toward emancipation, and a broadening of black civil and political rights, with intellectual and not merely political conviction. Religion became more important to him. His God acquired a more Calvinist, conventionally Protestant, appearance. At the same time, however, Lincoln kept his humility and his temperamental distrust of the absolutism, the pretensions to superior sanctity, and pharisaism of those religionists who pressed him toward more radical action against the South.

p.273
Long exposure times made for fixed and dour faces amongst photographic subjects, but there is a rare hint of a smile of assurance in this picture of Lincoln, thaken a month after the Union victories at Gettysburg and Vicksburg. The president fittingly holds in his left hand a copy of john Wien Forney's ultra-loyal Washington Daily Morning Chronicle.

[최흥재]

요새 놀고있는데 잘됐네요. 이거 제가 다 해드릴께요. 기한은 하루만주세요.

[밝은미소]

최흥재님 너무 착하시다.. ^^ 그런데 앞뒤 문장 없이 여기에 올라와 있는 것만으로는 전체적인 흐름에 맞게 번역하시는 것이 조금 힘드시지 않을까 생각되어 지는데..

[최흥재]

홍재 --> 흥재예요 ㅡㅡ+

[고잉웰]

참 어이없는 일을 당하셨군요. 사장님께서는 번역회사와 계약을 한 것이지, 프리랜서와 계약을 한 것은 아니기 때문에, 번역사와 연락이 닿지 않는다는 번역회사의 이유는 말이 되지 않습니다. 번역회사는 그 모든 것을 당연히 책임져야 하는 의무가 있습니다. 그런 번역회사는 뜨거운 맛을 봐야 합니다. 구체적 대응방법은 쪽지로 말씀드렸습니다.

[카페지기]

<이 부분은 어려워서 못했으니 번역료 빼주세요>라고 하는게 맞겠군요. 그래야 빠진 줄이라도 알지 ...

[최흥재]

아래 번역사 분들의 번역 내용을 취합한 내용을 내일 총정리해서 올려드릴께요. 물론 각 페이지별로 도움드린 분들의 이름은 명시해두겠습니다. ^^

[베이직]

얼핏보니, 어려워보이는 문구들은 아닌 듯하고...저걸 어떻게 다 찾아내셨는지 신기하네요 ^^...... 그리고 거기에 500만원이나 주었다는데, 저거 한 2만원에 유료로 여기에 의뢰하는 편이 더 납득이가고 형평성이 맞아 보이네요.

[나비공주]

어구...이거 다 찾아내느라고 얼마나 짜증나고 힘드셨을까...그것도 지불할 건 다 하셨으면서...옆에서 보기에도 화가 나네요. 최흥재님 정말 친절하세요 ^^ 이러다가 진로 바꾸시는 거 아닐랑가?