올해 대구어를 1,000,000톤이나 잡는다는 barentsobserver(2012년10월 12일)기사내용

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Timor-Leste and Australia

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Timorese leaders push for a better deal from their offshore gas fields

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http://www.rustrade.cz/userfiles/invest/Chelyabinsk_eng.pdf

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Record high cod quotas in the Barents Sea

The cod stocks in the Barents Sea are at a peak and next year's quotas reaches record hights.

Norway and Russia yesterday agreed to set the cod quotas for 2013 to one millions tons, nearly 250 000 tons more than last year.

October 12, 2012

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Barents region sets the bar for success in fishing

The Joint Norwegian-Russian Fisheries Commission met in Trondheim, Norway yesterday to set the annual quotas for the main fish stocks in the Barents Sea. The two parties agreed that the quotas for cod will be a record high of one million tons in 2013. The fish is estimated to have a catch value of NOK 15 billion (?2 billion).

“The current situation concerning the cod stock in the Barents Sea is fantastic”, Minister of Fisheries and Coastal Affairs Lisbeth Berg-Hansen says in a press release. “Norwegian fishers can catch 107 000 tons more cod next year, something that will create more activity both on sea and on land. This means jobs and value creation”. Norway’s total cod quota for 2013 is 446 740 tons.

The quotas for haddock and capelin will be smaller in 2013 than in 2012 – 200 000 tons for each species. This is done to curb further decline of the stock.

Norway and Russian have annual ecosystem missions to the Barents Sea. After this year’s mission, which was concluded a couple of weeks ago, scientists said that the cods stocks are moving northwards and eastwards.

The Joint Norwegian-Russian Fisheries Commission was also established in 1975 to co-ordinate fishing efforts in the region. The countries have annual quota agreements recommended by the International Council for the Exploration of the Sea (ICES). Norway and Russia have clear targets, reference points for limits on fishing and harvest control rules in place.

Protocol from the 42. session in the Joint Norwegian-Russian Fisheries Commission (in Norwegian)

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诺亚洪水遗址

亚拉腊山

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关于诺亚洪水的传说_百度知道

4个回答 - 提问时间: 2013年11月24日

最佳答案: 古希腊神话中关于大洪水的传说 来源:转载 更新时间:2009-5-20 10:32:11 浏览次数:53 世界上许多民族中都有大洪水的传说或记载。例如《圣经》中就有...

zhidao.baidu.com/link?... 

 - 百度快照 - 80%好评

诺亚洪水 是什么啊?_百度知道

1个回答 - 提问时间: 2007年11月18日

最佳答案: 　　诺亚叫“挪亚”(Noah)传说《圣经》中的一个人物。据《圣经》记载:诺亚是拉麦的儿子。他活了950岁。诺亚在他500岁时生了三个儿子:一个叫做闪,一...

zhidao.baidu.com/link?... 

 - 百度快照 - 80%好评

为您推荐：诺亚大洪水诺亚大洪水和潘多拉之盒有联系吗?诺亚洪水遗址

诺亚洪水历史上确有其实吗??_百度知道

3个回答 - 提问时间: 2013年12月18日

挪亚方舟的遗址 大洪水和挪亚方舟的神话,千百年来一直流传不息。去年10月,由香港人袁文辉带领的首支华人探险队,在土耳其亚拉腊山的冰山上,发现许多民族历史书籍中...

zhidao.baidu.com/link?... 

 - 百度快照 - 80%好评

诺亚洪水遗址_百度百科

美国探险家曾在黑海海底发现了能为《圣经》中所记载的数千年前致使人类遭灭顶之灾的“诺亚洪水”提供重要佐证的史前建筑，从而不但可能证明远古时代地球曾经发生过特大洪水，而且还可能改写中东甚至全世界的人类历史。当水下遥控照相机的镜...

7千年前的人类居住... 被“诺亚洪水”淹没... 更多>>

baike.baidu.com/ 2014-01-03

亚当赛特及诺亚洪水等距今历史长度!

2013年9月30日 - 因牵涉到的东西较多和为了推论亚当赛特诺亚历史长度的更加明了起见,可以采用一步...第2步骤中的所谓的淹没一切人类及高山的仅仅留下8人的诺亚洪水历史...

www.douban.com/note/30... 

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研究称7000年前曾爆发大洪水:诺亚方舟或非神话|诺亚|洪水|方舟_...

[原创]作者： - 发表时间：2012年12月17日

新浪科技讯北京时间12月17日消息,据国外媒体报道,发现“泰坦尼克”号沉船的海洋学家和考古学家罗伯特-巴拉德表示,《圣经》中描...

tech.sina.com.cn/d/201... 

 - 百度快照

为您推荐：诺亚方舟诺亚方舟 2007 电影诺亚方舟创世之旅

诺亚大洪水_互动百科

2012年12月17日 - 诺亚大洪水-诺亚大洪水是一场发生于公元前5000年的全球性的大洪水。洪水在中东地区形成了现代的黑海。

www.baike.com/wiki/诺亚大洪水 

 - 百度快照

为您推荐：史前大洪水挪亚大洪水遗址挪亚大洪水中国挪亚大洪水遗迹

【探讨】诺亚洪水与大禹治水时代洪水的区别._史前文明吧_百度贴吧

10条回复 - 发帖时间: 2013年12月31日

嗯,大禹时期的洪水和诺亚时期的洪水不是一个时期,因为诺亚时期的灭世大洪水摧毁的是一个文明,史前文明除了方舟中的生物一切都摧毁了,而大禹是生活在现代文明的存在...

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Jun 8th 2013 | SINGAPORE |From the print edition

THE future finances of the young, poor nation of Timor-Leste, formerly East Timor, have become embroiled in allegations of skulduggery by Australia nearly a decade ago. Timor-Leste has taken its big, wealthy neighbour to arbitration over a 2006 agreement on the exploitation of oil and gas in the sea between them. Speaking on a visit to Singapore this week, Timor-Leste’s oil minister, Alfredo Pires, claimed to have “irrefutable proof” that, during negotiations in 2004, Australia’s secret services had illegally obtained information. His lawyer claims the Timorese prime minister’s offices were bugged.

Whatever the truth, leaders in Timor-Leste feel Australia took advantage of them. In 2004 the tiny nation was still recovering from the devastation that followed its vote for independence from Indonesia in a UN-organised referendum in 1999. The Indonesian army and supporting militias had sought revenge in a rampage of killing and destruction.

Ever since, Timor-Leste’s hopes of prosperity have rested on offshore oil and gas reserves. But most are located in the Timor Gap, under waters also claimed by Australia. Cash-strapped and desperate for revenue to start flowing, leaders saw no option but to agree to treaties with Australia that many in Timor-Leste see as unfair.

In all, three linked treaties covering the Timor Gap were signed, but the maritime boundaries were never agreed upon. The first, the Timor Sea Treaty, signed in 2002, gives Timor-Leste 90% of the revenue from a Joint Petroleum Development Area (JPDA). This meant that revenues could start flowing.

The JPDA was a compromise between Australia’s insistence the maritime boundary be the deepest point as agreed with Indonesia in 1972, and Timor-Leste’s hope to use the “median line”, halfway across the sea. Only 20% of one of the largest fields, Greater Sunrise, is within the JPDA.

Then another treaty was signed in 2006, after two years of tortuous negotiations, during which the alleged spying took place. This one gives each country an equal share of revenue from Greater Sunrise on condition that they waive their rights to assert sovereignty, or pursue any legal claim over the border, for 50 years.

It is this treaty that rankles with the Timorese. If the median line were the border, Greater Sunrise and many other fields would fall in Timorese waters. Mr Pires says that the uncertainty about the maritime boundary makes it hard to plan for the long term or to attract investment.

Despite its growing oil wealth (its petroleum fund already contains $13 billion) Timor-Leste remains one of Asia’s poorest countries. It is pinning its hopes on the Tasi Mane project, an ambitious plan to build a gas plant to process gas from Greater Sunrise, and a refinery and associated petrochemical industry. That is a gamble as long as the sovereignty issue is unresolved and an impasse persists over the route of a gas pipeline from Greater Sunrise. Timor-Leste wants a pipeline to Tasi Mane to bring jobs and income. Australia wants a pipeline to Darwin.

The bugging allegation and arbitration proceedings seem intended to force Australia to the negotiating table. Leaders in Timor-Leste hope to break the logjam and perhaps to win a better deal.

From the print edition: Asia

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Special report: The Arab spring

In this special report

• A climate of change
• How many more to go?
• Fertile Croissant
• The power of religion
• Give us a chance
• The haves and the have-nots
• The long march
• Keep going

Sources & acknowledgmentsReprints

Fertile Croissant

Old divisions are being re-examined

Jul 13th 2013 |From the print edition

DID WINSTON CHURCHILL hiccup or sneeze? Either way, the story goes, the pen in his hand slipped on the map, leaving Jordan’s eastern border sharply indented. Like many legends, this holds a kernel of truth. Many Arab frontiers reflect not natural or human boundaries but the whims and fears of the imperialists who drew them up.

As colonial secretary in 1921, Churchill might have lopped off more of Jordan, but he wanted to keep control of an air corridor to another British protectorate, Iraq, where the Royal Air Force was dropping poison gas on rebellious Arab tribes. In 1916, in the middle of the first world war, Britain and France had signed a secret pact, the notorious Sykes-Picot agreement (named after the British and the French diplomats who negotiated it), to split the Fertile Crescent between them. A northern slice, running from the Mediterranean to the Tigris river, went to France; a southern slice, from Palestine to Iraq, was bagged by Britain. Both had reason to be happy. The Catholic church had been nagging for French control of the Syrian coast, home to many Maronite Catholics, and Britain was keen to put the French between them and the Russians to the north.

Special report

• A climate of change
• How many more to go?
• Fertile Croissant
• The power of religion
• Give us a chance
• The haves and the have-nots
• The long march
• Keep going

Sources & acknowledgmentsReprints

Related topics

• Palestine
• Winston Churchill
• France
• United Kingdom
• Iraq

Their carve-up of the Ottoman empire might have been worse. Unsure at first what to do with Palestine, they considered giving it to Belgium. Instead, Arthur Balfour, Britain’s foreign secretary, in 1917 issued a declaration promising a “national home for the Jewish people” in Palestine. Like Churchill and Sykes, Balfour quietly favoured steering Jews away from British shores. Wartime British officials also sought to please influential Zionists in America, as well as Russian Bolsheviks.

France did slice Lebanon out of Syria, aiming to create a Christian-dominated republic, and in the 1920s briefly considered giving a coastal state to the Alawites and an inland one to the Druze. France and Britain also backed the formation of a Kurdish state at the Treaty of Sèvres in 1920, but they refused to allow “their” Kurds in Iraq and Syria to join it. The idea fizzled, leaving today’s 25m Kurds as the globe’s largest people without a state. But in 1938 France donated a chunk of Syria, now known as Hatay, to Turkey. Hatay’s Turkish minority had been lobbying more effectively than the rest of the population, mostly Arabic-speaking, who wanted to remain in Syria.

Now, with Syria again fracturing into warring parts, Iraq threatening to follow suit and cracks beginning to show in Lebanon, the borders drawn up nearly a century ago are starting to look frayed. Syria’s dispersed Kurds are now meeting as refugees in the Kurdish autonomous zone in northern Iraq. The closely related Sunni Arab tribes of the Euphrates valley, sliced in two by Messrs Sykes and Picot, are uniting again, this time to face Shia oppressors. And to the west, perhaps, that stillborn Alawite state is about to rise again.

From the print edition: Special report

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> 열람(왕대) > 正祖實錄 > 正祖實錄 十九年(1795年) > 十九年 夏四月 > 正祖 19年 4月 28日

국역 원문 이미지

검색결과 처음 이전검색결과 다음검색결과 검색결과 마지막 검색 리스트 보기 검색어 바로가기 오류신고

正祖 42卷, 19年(1795 乙卯 / 청 건륭(乾隆) 60年) 4月 28日(戊申) 1번째기사 함흥과 영흥 두 본궁의 의식이 완성되다

○戊申/咸興、永興兩本宮儀式成。 國初京都有啓聖殿, 咸興、永興有本宮, 所以奉先王先后位版, 蓋用原廟之制也。 舊令內需司 別差典祀享, 宗伯、太常不能管攝, 違前規而襲謬例者寢多。 上特命釐整儀節, 煥新樽罍, 歲封衣幣香燭, 必宿齋躬莅其事。 及桓廟躋享禮成, 命閣臣徐浩修、徐榮輔等, 編成儀式, 親加裁定, 凡二卷十有二目。 至是書成, 鋟印藏于兩本宮, 御製敍卷首曰:

北關咸興、永興府之有本宮, 蓋猶邰室、豊社之肇基焉, 卽宮而廟, 象衣冠之月遊, 倣漆、沮之祭薦。 咸興本宮在雲田社, 國初龍潛舊宅, 爲北巡常御之所也。 奉穆王、孝妃, 翼王、貞妃, 度王、敬妃, 桓王、懿妃位版, 遵遺命, 奉太祖大王、神懿王后位版, 肅廟朝追祔神德王后位版。 永興本宮在順寧社, 國初誕降古址, 爲微時祭星之處也。 奉太祖大王、神懿王后位版, 肅廟朝追祔神德王后位版, 小子嗣服之乙卯, 以虹流舊甲, 追躋桓王懿妃位版。 本宮享祀之式。 咸興則歲凡三十二, 別大祭曰十月、四月, 正朝別小祭, 二月曰春節祭, 六月曰半行祭, 七月曰秋節祭, 八月曰山祭、秋夕祭, 十一月曰冬節祭、冬至茶禮, 而朔望祭, 正朝、秋夕, 惟不疊行。 永興則歲凡三十一, 別大祭、別小祭、朔望祭, 如咸興禮, 正朝爲小祭, 春節不祭, 秋夕用望祭儀。 其器品, 大祭則咸興五十一品, 永興六十三品; 小祭則咸興三十九品, 永興三十一品。 朔望, 咸興二十三, 永興二十二。 兩宮大祭用樂, 各有衣幣, 樂用鄕樂, 衣用朱色土紬, 幣用黃朱綿布二端, 燭紅蠟, 惟孟冬孟夏爲然。 香竝用紫檀, 菓鱐之非土宜, 備自內廚, 與衣幣香燭同時齎奉。 醴齊之盌, 明粢之盂, 惟匕與箸用銀, 餘器之瓷製鏇成者代以鍮。 咸興五百八十有五, 其副七十; 永興三百二十有二, 其副三十三。 陳設有圖有標, 咸興圖六標六十八, 永興圖六標七十四。 齋官從近規, 有政府、內閣、禮曹之臣、本道伯奉審之行, 而當享日爲獻官。 有曰太白祭, 祭於祭星壇。 壇在咸興之都連浦, 昔我聖祖祭太白於是地。 自開國之初, 以御衣、鞍馬, 將事于每歲端午, 今式用是月之內祭之。 前一日, 旗纛繖蓋、簫管鐃皷, 導至祭所, 行祭於夜半, 同大祭儀。 是日又設五箱祭於其傍, 旣撤又設袈裟祭於壇之西。 永興行於宮垣之內有壇, 惟五箱、袈裟祭不設, 器品六十有四, 比咸興多二十。 又有夜白、夜黑祭, 咸興正月九月行夜白祭, 十二月行夜黑祭, 器各三十六; 永興正月行夜白祭, 十二月行夜黑祭, 器各二十一。 惟夜黑加豕一, 就宮庭掃除 而設。 咸興有墠, 別差掌其祀。 時日, 正至、秋夕、朔望以外, 卜吉于前歲季冬。 大祭之衣幣、香燭、菓鱐與凡儀仗新備, 皆齋沐親傳。 竝著以爲制, 編書詳載, 印其書而名之曰《本宮儀式》。 夫節文之不敢修潤, 率由祖宗攸行也; 物品之或有齊整, 粗效小子微誠也。 然而規則多昉於義起, 祝令不列於宗伯。 玆將一部新編, 示予後人, 勿替引之, 子子孫孫, 以予心爲心。 克遵克守, 必敬必謹, 以求我祖考之怡豫, 顧歆於芬苾之薦, 則陟降庭止, 詒爾多福。 《詩》曰: “君曰卜爾, 萬壽無疆。” 爲後人億萬斯年之祝。

判中樞府事李秉模以兩本宮揭板事目馳啓言: “兩本宮儀式印頒後, 仍舊之中節目燦然, 恐無可以更爲釐正者, 而臣與禮堂及奉命承旨, 另加商確, 謹就有旨中三條及其他數條, 別成事目, 首揭有旨, 次書事目, 揭板于咸興、永興兩本宮, 以爲常目在之, 永久遵守。”【事目以爲: 一, 大小祭享別差, 雖爲獻官, 兼行開櫝闔櫝之節, 少無相妨。 自今定式, 開闔櫝別差奉行, 毋或違越。 一, 祭物陳撤, 自有其時, 而從前謬例, 陳設則或先時, 撤饌則或經夜, 欠敬潔, 莫此爲甚。 謹倣太廟陳撤例, 陳設則始自初昏, 而先設果品、乾魚之屬, 至如燔炙羹湯之品, 則差先陳設於祭享時至之前。 撤饌則禮成後, 卽爲畢撤, 罔或淹時, 而毋論陳撤, 別差躬審點檢, 俾無一毫不謹, 而開闔櫝, 陳撤饌此兩條, 萬一有襲謬之弊, 咸興本宮, 則道臣每於朔望及節享, 另加探察, 隨現狀聞; 永興則府使探察, 隨現報于道臣, 以爲狀聞之地。 一, 咸興本宮享時, 儒生執事, 一依永興本宮例, 自本宮擇定, 實差五人、預差一人, 使之進參, 無使守僕輩如前參涉於奠爵進爵等節, 而必以璿派中可合人, 考其譜派, 各別擇定, 俾無淆雜之弊。 一, 大小祭享前二日, 別差親監祭井, 各別疏滌, 十分致淨。 一, 殿庭除草掃雪時, 只委守僕輩故民人輩, 不無紛聒之弊, 此後則別差躬自檢飭, 切禁喧擾之弊。 一, 祭享時觀光民人輩, 或有攔入殿庭之弊, 此後內三門內, 則切勿許入, 永久恪遵。 一, 巡更之法, 專爲正殿, 而永興則巡於正殿墻外, 咸興則只巡別差齋舍, 不但有違法意, 亦足參差之一端, 此後則咸興本宮巡更, 亦依永興本宮例, 遍巡於正殿墻外。 一, 正殿開鑰, 付置守僕, 故或不無惟意開閉之時, 此亦屑越, 此後則別差次知藏置。】

【태백산사고본】 42책 42권 63장 B면

【영인본】 46책 572면

【분류】 *왕실(王室) / *출판(出版)

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정조 19년 을묘 (1795, 건륭60)

4월 28일(무신)

함흥과 영흥 두 본궁의 의식이 완성되다

함흥(咸興)과 영흥(永興) 두 본궁(本宮)의 의식(儀式)이 완성되었다.
우리 나라 초기에 도성에는 계성전(啓聖殿)을 두고 함흥과 영흥에는 본궁을 두었는데, 이는 선왕(先王)과 선후(先后)의 위판(位版)을 모시기 위한 것으로서 대개 원묘(原廟)의 제도를 적용한 것이었다. 그리하여 예전에는 내수사에서 별도로 사람을 차송(差送)하여 제사지내는 일을 맡아보게 하였고 종백(宗伯)과 태상(太常)은 관여할 수가 없었는데 그 결과 예전의 규정을 어기고 잘못된 예를 답습하는 일이 점점 많아졌다.
이에 상이 특별히 명하여 의절(儀節)을 바로잡아 정리하게 하고 제기(祭器)를 새로 바꾸도록 하는 한편 매년 의복·폐백·향·촉을 내주고 반드시 재전(齋殿)에서 밤을 지내면서 그 일에 직접 임하기도 하였다. 그러다가 환조(桓祖)를 제향(躋享)하는 예를 마치고 나서 각신(閣臣) 서호수(徐浩修)·서영보(徐榮輔) 등에게 명하여 의식을 편찬하게 한 뒤 직접 재결(裁決)하여 확정하였는데 모두 2권(卷)으로 12목(目)이었다. 이때에 이르러 책이 완성되자 이를 인쇄하여 두 본궁에 보관하였는데, 이 책의 첫머리에 상이 친히 지은 서문에 이르기를,
“북관(北關)의 함흥과 영흥부에 본궁이 있는 것은 대체로 태실(邰室)과 풍사(豊社)로 기반을 확립한 것과 비슷하니, 이는 바로 궁(宮)인 동시에 묘(廟)가 되는 것으로서 의관(衣冠)의 월유(月遊)를 상징하고 칠조(漆沮)의 제천(祭薦)을 모방한 것이다.
함흥의 본궁은 운전사(雲田社)에 있는데 이는 국초(國初)께서 잠룡(潛龍) 때에 사시던 옛집으로서 북쪽을 순행(巡行)하실 때 늘 거하셨던 곳이다. 여기에는 목왕(穆王)과 효비(孝妃)·익왕(翼王)과 정비(貞妃)·도왕(度王)과 경비(敬妃)·환왕(桓王)과 의비(懿妃)의 위판(位版)을 봉안하였고 유명(遺命)에 따라 태조 대왕과 신의 왕후(神懿王后)의 위판을 봉안하였으며 숙묘조(肅廟朝) 때 신덕 왕후(神德王后)의 위판을 추부(追袝)하였다.
영흥의 본궁은 순령사(順寧社)에 있는데 이는 국초께서 탄강하신 옛터로서 아직 이름이 나지 않았을 때에 별을 제사했던 곳이다. 여기에는 태조 대왕과 신의 왕후의 위판을 봉안하였고 숙묘조 때 신덕 왕후의 위판을 추부하였는데, 내가 왕위를 계승한 뒤인 을묘년에 환갑이 되는 해를 거듭 맞이하여 환왕과 의비의 위판을 추제(追躋)하였다. 본궁에서 제사지내는 의식은 다음과 같다.
함흥에서는 해마다 모두 32차례의 제사를 올리는데, 별대제(別大祭)는 10월과 4월에 올리고, 정조(正朝)에는 별소제(別小祭)를 올리고, 2월은 춘절제(春節祭), 6월은 반행제(半行祭), 7월은 추절제(秋節祭), 8월은 산제(山祭)와 추석제(秋夕祭), 11월은 동절제(冬節祭)와 동지(冬至) 다례(茶禮)를 올리고, 삭제(朔祭)와 망제(望祭)는 정조와 추석 때만은 중복해서 행하지 않는다.
영흥은 해마다 모두 31차례의 제사를 올리는데, 별대제·별소제·삭제·망제는 함흥의 예와 같으며, 정조에는 소제(小祭)를 지내고, 춘절(春節)에는 제사를 지내지 않고, 추석 때에는 망제의 의례을 적용한다.
기품(器品)은, 대제(大祭)의 경우 함흥은 51품(品)이고 영흥은 63품이며, 소제(小祭)의 경우 함흥은 39품이고 영흥은 31품이며, 삭제와 망제의 경우 함흥은 23품이고 영흥은 22품이다.
양궁(兩宮)의 대제에는 음악을 사용하고 각각 의복과 폐백이 정해져 있는데, 음악은 향악(鄕樂)을 쓰고 의복은 붉은색의 그 지방 비단을 쓰며 폐백은 누렇고 붉은 면포(綿布) 2단(端)을 쓴다. 초[燭]는 홍랍(紅蠟)을 쓰는데 10월과 4월에만 그렇게 한다. 향(香)은 모두 자단(紫檀)을 쓴다. 과일과 건어물은 토산품 대신 내주(內廚)에서 마련한 것을 쓰는데, 의복·폐백·향·초와 함께 동시에 가져 간다.
주발에 단술을 담고 사발에 자성(粢盛)을 올려 놓는다. 숟가락과 젓가락은 은(銀)을 쓰고 나머지 그릇은 오지 제품이나 틀로 만들어낸 것 대신 놋그릇을 쓰는데, 함흥은 5백 85개에 부차적인 것이 70개요, 영흥은 3백 22개에 부차적인 것이 33개이다. 진설(陳設)에도 도(圖)와 표(標)가 있는데, 함흥은 6도에 68표이고 영흥은 6도에 74표이다. 재관(齋官)으로는 근래의 규례에 따라 정부·내각·예조의 신하를 두고, 본 도백(道伯)이 봉심(奉審)하는 일을 행하다가 제사올리는 날 헌관(獻官)이 된다.
태백제(太白祭)가 있는데 제성단(祭星壇)에서 제사를 올린다. 제성단은 함흥 도련포(都連浦)에 있는데 옛날 우리 성조(聖祖)께서 이곳에서 태백성에 제사지내었다. 개국 초기부터 어의(御衣)와 안마(鞍馬)를 가지고 매년 단오(端午)에 제사를 지냈는데 지금은 이달 안으로 제사지내도록 하고 있다. 하루 전에 기(旗)·둑(纛)·산(繖)·개(蓋)를 갖추고 퉁소·피리·징·북소리에 맞추어 제사지내는 곳까지 인도한 다음 한밤중에 제사를 지내는데 대제(大祭)의 의례와 동일하게 한다. 이날 또 그 옆에서 오상제(五箱祭)를 지내며, 그것이 끝난 다음에는 또 제성단 서쪽에서 가사제(袈裟祭)를 지낸다. 영흥에서는 본궁 담 안쪽에 있는 단(壇)에서 태백제를 지내는데 오직 오상제와 가사제만은 지내지 않으며, 기품(器品)은 64개로 함흥에 비해서 20개가 많다.
또 야백제(夜白祭)와 야흑제(夜黑祭)가 있다. 함흥에서는 정월과 9월에 야백제를 지내고 12월에 야흑제를 지내는데 기품은 각각 36개이다. 영흥에서는 정월에 야백제를 행하고 12월에 야흑제를 행하는데 기품은 각각 21개이다. 오직 야흑제 때만은 돼지고기 한 그릇을 더 놓는데 궁의 뜰을 소제한 다음 진설한다. 함흥에 있는 제단은 별차(別差)가 그 제사를 주관한다.
시일은 정조(正朝)·동지·추석·삭망(朔望) 외에는 전 해 12월에 길일(吉日)을 가려 놓는다. 대제 때 쓰는 의복·폐백·향·초·과일·건어물 등과 모든 의장(儀仗)은 새로 마련하게 하되 이 모두를 재계하고 목욕한 뒤 친히 전해준다. 이상의 내용들을 뚜렷이 법제화하여 책으로 엮어서 상세히 기록한 다음 그 책을 인쇄하게 하고 이름을 《본궁의식(本宮儀式)》이라 하였다.
대저 의식의 절문(節文)을 감히 고치지 않은 것은 조종(祖宗)께서 행해 오시던 것을 따르고자 함이요 물품을 간혹 정비해 놓은 것은 나의 보잘것없는 정성을 대충이나마 나타내려 함이다. 그런데 규정이 대부분 임시방편에서 비롯되다 보니 제관(祭官)이 종백(宗伯)의 반열에 끼이지 못하게 되었다. 이에 새로 편찬한 이 책 한 권을 나의 후손들에게 보여주는 바이니 이를 바꾸지 말고 자자손손 계속 이어 나가면서 나의 마음으로 각자의 마음을 삼도록 하라. 그리하여 이를 제대로 준수하면서 기필코 공경스럽고 근실하게 함으로써 우리 조고(祖考)께서 기쁜 마음으로 제사 음식을 흠향하게 한다면, 혼령이 뜰에 임하시어 그대들에게 많은 복을 내려 주실 것이다. 《시경(詩經)》에서도 ‘선왕께서 그대들에게 만수무강하기를 기원하셨다.’고 하지 않았던가. 후손들에게 억만 년토록 축복이 내려지기를 기원하는 바이다.”
하였다. 판중추부사 이병모(李秉模)가 두 본궁의 현판에 게시할 사목(事目)에 대한 일로 치계(馳啓)하기를,
“두 본궁의 의식을 인쇄하여 반포한 뒤에 보건대, 예전에 해오던 대로의 절목이 찬연하여 다시 바로잡을 만한 것이 없을 듯하였습니다. 그래서 신이 예당(禮堂) 및 봉명(奉命)한 승지와 함께 특별히 더 상의하여 확정하는 과정에서 단지 유지(有旨) 중의 3조(條) 및 기타 몇 개 조에 대해서만 따로 사목을 만들었습니다. 맨 먼저 유지를 내걸고 다음에 사목을 써서 함흥과 영흥 두 본궁의 현판에 게시함으로써 늘 보면서 영구히 준수토록 해야 하겠습니다.”
하였다.
【사목의 내용은 다음과 같습니다. “1. 크고 작은 제향에 있어서 별차(別差)가 헌관(獻官)이 되기는 하지만 신주궤(神主櫃)를 열고 닫는 절차를 겸하여 행하게 한다 하더라도 조금도 구애될 것이 없으니, 지금부터는 이를 정식(定式)으로 삼아 신주궤를 열고 닫는 일을 별차가 봉행(奉行)하게 하고 혹시라도 어기는 일이 없도록 해야 할 것입니다. 1. 제물(祭物)을 차리고 치우는 것은 원래 시간이 정해져 있습니다. 그런데 예전부터의 잘못된 예를 답습하여 음식을 차려놓는 일을 혹시 시간 전에 하거나 음식을 치우는 일을 혹시 밤을 지낸 뒤에 한다면 이보다 더 불경스럽고 불결한 일이 없을 것입니다. 삼가 태묘(太廟)에서 제물을 차리고 치우는 예를 모방하여, 진설(陳設)은 초저녁부터 시작하되 먼저 과일과 건어물 등을 차려 놓은 뒤 굽고 지지고 끓인 것들은 제사가 시작되기 조금 전에 차려놓도록 할 것이며, 제물을 치우는 일은 제사가 끝난 뒤 즉시 모두 치우면서 혹시라도 시간을 지체시키는 일이 있지 않도록 해야 할 것입니다. 그리고 제물을 차리거나 치우는 일을 막론하고 별차(別差)가 직접 살펴 감독함으로써 조금이라도 불성실하게 하는 폐단이 없게끔 해야 할 것입니다. 신주궤를 열고 닫는 일과 제물을 차리고 치우는 이 두 가지 조목과 관련해서 만일 잘못된 예를 답습하는 폐단이 있을 경우, 함흥 본궁에서는 도신(道臣)이 삭제(朔祭)·망제(望祭) 및 절향(節享)이 있을 때마다 특별히 더 살펴서 드러나는 대로 장계를 올리도록 하고, 영흥에서는 부사가 살펴 드러나는 대로 도신에게 보고함으로써 장계로 보고할 수 있도록 하게 해야 할 것입니다. 1. 함흥 본궁에서 제사드릴 때의 유생 집사(執事)는 한결같이 영흥 본궁의 예에 의거하여 본궁에서 실차(實差) 5인과 예차(豫差) 1인을 가려 정한 뒤 나아와 참여하게 함으로써 수복배(守僕輩)가 예전처럼 술잔을 갖다 놓고 술잔을 올리는 절차 등에 끼어들지 못하게 해야 할 것입니다. 그리고 반드시 왕조(王朝)의 파계(派系) 가운데 적합한 사람에 대해 그 보파(譜派)를 상고한 뒤 각별히 가려 정함으로써 잡되게 뒤섞이는 폐단이 없도록 해야 할 것입니다. 1. 크고 작은 제사가 있기 이틀 전에 별차가 직접 제정(祭井)을 감독하여 각별히 소제함으로써 완전히 깨끗하게 해놓도록 해야 할 것입니다. 1. 본궁 뜰의 풀을 뽑거나 눈을 치울 때 그저 수복(守僕)들에게만 맡겨놓기 때문에 백성들이 시끄럽게 떠드는 폐단이 없지 않으니, 이 뒤로는 별차(別差)가 직접 단속하여서 떠들어대는 폐단이 없도록 엄금하게 해야 할 것입니다. 1. 제사드릴 때 구경하는 백성들이 간혹 본궁 뜰에 마구 들어오는 폐단이 발생하고 있는데 일의 체면상 미안하기 그지없습니다. 이 뒤로는 내삼문(內三門) 안으로는 절대로 들어오지 못하게 하고 이를 영구히 준수토록 해야 할 것입니다. 1. 시간마다 순찰하는 법은 전적으로 정전(正殿)을 위주로 하고 있습니다. 그런데 영흥에서는 정전의 담 밖을 순찰하는 데 반해 함흥에서는 그저 별차(別差)의 재사(齋舍)만을 순찰하고 있습니다. 이는 법의 뜻에도 어긋나는 일일 뿐더러 서로 일치되지 못하는 결점이 되고 있으니, 이 뒤로는 함흥 본궁에서 순찰할 때에도 영흥 본궁의 예에 의거하여 정전 담 밖을 두루 순찰하게 해야 할 것입니다. 1. 정전의 자물쇠를 여는 일을 수복(守僕)에게 맡겨두는 관계로 제멋대로 열고 닫는 때가 더러 없지 않은데, 이것 역시 외람스럽게 행하는 잘못된 예라 할 것이니, 이 뒤로는 별차(別差)의 차지(次知)가 보관토록 해야 할 것입니다.”】
【원전】 46 집 572 면
【분류】 *왕실(王室) / *출판(出版)

[주D-001]종백(宗伯) : 예조 판서.
[주D-002]태상(太常) : 봉상시(奉常寺).
[주D-003]태실(邰室)과 풍사(豊社)로 기반을 확립한 것 : 왕업의 기틀을 마련한 시조(始祖)의 사당을 세워 제사를 지내는 것을 말함. 태실은 주(周)나라 시조인 후직(后稷)이 처음 봉(封)함을 받은 태 땅에 그를 위해 세운 사당이며, 풍사는 한 고조(漢高祖)의 고향인 풍 땅에 세운 그의 사당임.
[주D-004]의관(衣冠)의 월유(月遊) : 한 달에 한 번씩 한 고조의 의관을 꺼내어 바람을 쐰 것을 말함. 《한서(漢書)》 숙손통전(叔孫通傳).
[주D-005]칠조(漆沮)의 제천(祭薦) : 칠수(漆水)와 조수(沮水)는 모두 위수(渭水)로 흘러 들어가는 강으로서 주(周)나라의 선조 고공단보(古公亶父)가 처음 터잡고 살던 곳인데 여기에서 그를 제사지냈었음. 《시경(詩經)》 대아(大雅), 사(絲).
[주D-006]국초(國初) : 태조를 말함.
[주D-007]잠룡(潛龍) : 왕위에 오르기 전을 말함.
[주D-008]을묘년 : 1795 정조 19년.
[주D-009]별차(別差) : 특별 파견 관리.

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正祖 42卷, 19年(1795 乙卯 / 청 건륭(乾隆) 60年) 4月 28日(戊申) 1번째기사 함흥과 영흥 두 본궁의 의식이 완성되다

○戊申/咸興、永興兩本宮儀式成。 國初京都有啓聖殿, 咸興、永興有本宮, 所以奉先王先后位版, 蓋用原廟之制也。 舊令內需司 別差典祀享, 宗伯、太常不能管攝, 違前規而襲謬例者寢多。 上特命釐整儀節, 煥新樽罍, 歲封衣幣香燭, 必宿齋躬莅其事。 及桓廟躋享禮成, 命閣臣徐浩修、徐榮輔等, 編成儀式, 親加裁定, 凡二卷十有二目。 至是書成, 鋟印藏于兩本宮, 御製敍卷首曰:

北關咸興、永興府之有本宮, 蓋猶邰室、豊社之肇基焉, 卽宮而廟, 象衣冠之月遊, 倣漆、沮之祭薦。 咸興本宮在雲田社, 國初龍潛舊宅, 爲北巡常御之所也。 奉穆王、孝妃, 翼王、貞妃, 度王、敬妃, 桓王、懿妃位版, 遵遺命, 奉太祖大王、神懿王后位版, 肅廟朝追祔神德王后位版。 永興本宮在順寧社, 國初誕降古址, 爲微時祭星之處也。 奉太祖大王、神懿王后位版, 肅廟朝追祔神德王后位版, 小子嗣服之乙卯, 以虹流舊甲, 追躋桓王懿妃位版。 本宮享祀之式。 咸興則歲凡三十二, 別大祭曰十月、四月, 正朝別小祭, 二月曰春節祭, 六月曰半行祭, 七月曰秋節祭, 八月曰山祭、秋夕祭, 十一月曰冬節祭、冬至茶禮, 而朔望祭, 正朝、秋夕, 惟不疊行。 永興則歲凡三十一, 別大祭、別小祭、朔望祭, 如咸興禮, 正朝爲小祭, 春節不祭, 秋夕用望祭儀。 其器品, 大祭則咸興五十一品, 永興六十三品; 小祭則咸興三十九品, 永興三十一品。 朔望, 咸興二十三, 永興二十二。 兩宮大祭用樂, 各有衣幣, 樂用鄕樂, 衣用朱色土紬, 幣用黃朱綿布二端, 燭紅蠟, 惟孟冬孟夏爲然。 香竝用紫檀, 菓鱐之非土宜, 備自內廚, 與衣幣香燭同時齎奉。 醴齊之盌, 明粢之盂, 惟匕與箸用銀, 餘器之瓷製鏇成者代以鍮。 咸興五百八十有五, 其副七十; 永興三百二十有二, 其副三十三。 陳設有圖有標, 咸興圖六標六十八, 永興圖六標七十四。 齋官從近規, 有政府、內閣、禮曹之臣、本道伯奉審之行, 而當享日爲獻官。 有曰太白祭, 祭於祭星壇。 壇在咸興之都連浦, 昔我聖祖祭太白於是地。 自開國之初, 以御衣、鞍馬, 將事于每歲端午, 今式用是月之內祭之。 前一日, 旗纛繖蓋、簫管鐃皷, 導至祭所, 行祭於夜半, 同大祭儀。 是日又設五箱祭於其傍, 旣撤又設袈裟祭於壇之西。 永興行於宮垣之內有壇, 惟五箱、袈裟祭不設, 器品六十有四, 比咸興多二十。 又有夜白、夜黑祭, 咸興正月九月行夜白祭, 十二月行夜黑祭, 器各三十六; 永興正月行夜白祭, 十二月行夜黑祭, 器各二十一。 惟夜黑加豕一, 就宮庭掃除 而設。 咸興有墠, 別差掌其祀。 時日, 正至、秋夕、朔望以外, 卜吉于前歲季冬。 大祭之衣幣、香燭、菓鱐與凡儀仗新備, 皆齋沐親傳。 竝著以爲制, 編書詳載, 印其書而名之曰《本宮儀式》。 夫節文之不敢修潤, 率由祖宗攸行也; 物品之或有齊整, 粗效小子微誠也。 然而規則多昉於義起, 祝令不列於宗伯。 玆將一部新編, 示予後人, 勿替引之, 子子孫孫, 以予心爲心。 克遵克守, 必敬必謹, 以求我祖考之怡豫, 顧歆於芬苾之薦, 則陟降庭止, 詒爾多福。 《詩》曰: “君曰卜爾, 萬壽無疆。” 爲後人億萬斯年之祝。

判中樞府事李秉模以兩本宮揭板事目馳啓言: “兩本宮儀式印頒後, 仍舊之中節目燦然, 恐無可以更爲釐正者, 而臣與禮堂及奉命承旨, 另加商確, 謹就有旨中三條及其他數條, 別成事目, 首揭有旨, 次書事目, 揭板于咸興、永興兩本宮, 以爲常目在之, 永久遵守。”【事目以爲: 一, 大小祭享別差, 雖爲獻官, 兼行開櫝闔櫝之節, 少無相妨。 自今定式, 開闔櫝別差奉行, 毋或違越。 一, 祭物陳撤, 自有其時, 而從前謬例, 陳設則或先時, 撤饌則或經夜, 欠敬潔, 莫此爲甚。 謹倣太廟陳撤例, 陳設則始自初昏, 而先設果品、乾魚之屬, 至如燔炙羹湯之品, 則差先陳設於祭享時至之前。 撤饌則禮成後, 卽爲畢撤, 罔或淹時, 而毋論陳撤, 別差躬審點檢, 俾無一毫不謹, 而開闔櫝, 陳撤饌此兩條, 萬一有襲謬之弊, 咸興本宮, 則道臣每於朔望及節享, 另加探察, 隨現狀聞; 永興則府使探察, 隨現報于道臣, 以爲狀聞之地。 一, 咸興本宮享時, 儒生執事, 一依永興本宮例, 自本宮擇定, 實差五人、預差一人, 使之進參, 無使守僕輩如前參涉於奠爵進爵等節, 而必以璿派中可合人, 考其譜派, 各別擇定, 俾無淆雜之弊。 一, 大小祭享前二日, 別差親監祭井, 各別疏滌, 十分致淨。 一, 殿庭除草掃雪時, 只委守僕輩故民人輩, 不無紛聒之弊, 此後則別差躬自檢飭, 切禁喧擾之弊。 一, 祭享時觀光民人輩, 或有攔入殿庭之弊, 此後內三門內, 則切勿許入, 永久恪遵。 一, 巡更之法, 專爲正殿, 而永興則巡於正殿墻外, 咸興則只巡別差齋舍, 不但有違法意, 亦足參差之一端, 此後則咸興本宮巡更, 亦依永興本宮例, 遍巡於正殿墻外。 一, 正殿開鑰, 付置守僕, 故或不無惟意開閉之時, 此亦屑越, 此後則別差次知藏置。】

【태백산사고본】 42책 42권 63장 B면

【영인본】 46책 572면

【분류】 *왕실(王室) / *출판(出版)

---

Jan 26th 2013 |From the print edition

• 

IN FEW countries do history and geography tug in such different directions. It is half a century since Japan overtook Britain as Australia’s largest trading partner, itself to be overtaken by another Asian giant, China, in 2007. More than 40 years have passed since “White Australia” immigration policies were dropped and Australia began to look a little more like Asia. And it is 16 years since an Australian prime minister, John Howard, claimed “we do not have to choose between our history and our geography.”

It is only three months, however, since Australia’s government produced a white paper on “Australia in the Asian Century”, which has provoked renewed debate about Australia’s place in its closest neighbourhood. As Kevin Rudd, a former prime minister, says, Australians feel they live “slightly on the edge”, a feeling heightened by extreme natural events, such as the recent heatwave and accompanying bushfires.

In this section

• Show your hand
• Justice delayed
• No Jokowi
• Is Thanh the man?
• No let-up
• On the edge

Reprints

Related topics

• United States
• Asia
• China
• Politics
• Australia

Their head of state is still the British queen and their security is founded on a treaty with America. Indeed, by agreeing to play host to up to 2,500 American marines, Australia is central to the Obama administration’s “rebalancing” to Asia. And most of Australia’s foreign investment is still from America and Europe. A poll last year by the Lowy Institute, a think-tank in Sydney, found that 95% of Australians thought China already was, or would become, “Asia’s leading power”; 52% felt uncomfortable about it.

The upshot of months of bureaucratic arm-wrestling between independent experts and various government departments, the white paper offers a predictably awestruck view of Asia’s economic rise. By the early 2020s Asia will overtake the combined economic output of Europe and North America. The white paper offers an exhaustive list of recommendations as to how Australia can take advantage of this (it was even more exhaustive before it was drastically pruned, in a late fit of editing, to a mere 312 pages). These cover everything from education, with every Australian school to be linked to one in Asia by 2025, to the transformation of the civil service and even corporate boards by ensuring one-third of their members are “Asia-literate”.

The plea to Australians to wake up to Asia’s potential recalls the efforts of governments in the 1980s and 1990s to rebrand Australia as an “Asian country”. But the context has changed utterly. Back then Australia was languishing and a booming Asia enjoyed condescending to it. In 1980 Lee Kuan Yew, Singapore’s patriarch, warned Australians that they risked becoming “the poor white trash of Asia”. In 1986 an Australian finance minister (and later prime minister), Paul Keating, fretted that without reform the country might become a “banana republic”.

In contrast, 2013 is expected to be Australia’s 22nd consecutive year of economic growth. It weathered the Asian financial crisis of 1997-98, contributing to the bail-outs of Indonesia, South Korea and Thailand. And, uniquely among developed economies, it survived the global financial crisis without a recession. Australia has a new self-confidence in its own economic model. A book published last year by an Australian journalist, George Megalogenis (“The Australian Moment”), argues that, thanks to the economic reforms undertaken over the past three decades, Australia is “more versatile today than any other first-world nation”, and that “it’s our turn to tell them how the world works”.

Asia’s relative economic importance also looks greater than ever. That is partly because of the recent troubles of the developed economies and partly because India has joined the region’s fast-growth club. But mainly it is because of the continued expansion of the Chinese economy. China now takes about 29% of Australia’s exports, mostly energy and minerals. The white paper argues Australia has to ready itself for the day when it cannot prosper simply by digging stuff up and selling it to China. It needs to excel in providing the services a growing Asian middle class will need—such as education and tourism.

The domestic political context has also changed. Not only are ethnic Asians now an important electoral constituency, but the prolonged Asia-led boom means that politicians have to compete to prove their “Asia-literacy”. So for Julia Gillard, the prime minister, commissioning the white paper was one card she can play in the election to be held later this year. It may also have been an attempt to steal some of the Asian clothes of Mr Rudd, the Mandarin-speaker she toppled in a Labor party coup in 2010. To counter impressions that he has a bias to the “anglosphere”, her probable opponent in the election, Tony Abbott, leader of the conservative opposition coalition, has said that as prime minister his policy would have “more Jakarta, less Geneva”. His deputy and prospective foreign minister, Julie Bishop, picks holes in the white paper (“a missed opportunity and potentially counter-productive”) but concedes that its goals and targets are “laudable”.

One analyst, however, levels two related criticisms at it. The first is that it amounts to an “enormous one-way bet” on a rising Asia, and Australia should be worrying more about unforeseen shocks. The second is that the paper does not squarely confront changes to the security environment. It accepts that a “natural, legitimate outcome” of China’s growth will be increased military strength, and expresses optimism that China and America can “manage strategic change”.

…but in the middle

In a public document, one would expect little else, and just this week the government delivered a separate national security strategy. But in Australia as elsewhere in Asia, the mismatch between growing economic dependence on China and security reliance on America looks uncomfortable. Under Mr Rudd, Australia was key to the expansion of the annual East Asia Summit into a security forum which both China and America attend. Few countries have a greater interest in seeing the Pacific’s two big powers get along, and history reconcile itself with geography.

^{Economist.com/blogs/banyan}

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Banyan

On the edge

Australia still does not seem entirely sure where it is

Jan 26th 2013 |From the print edition

IN FEW countries do history and geography tug in such different directions. It is half a century since Japan overtook Britain as Australia’s largest trading partner, itself to be overtaken by another Asian giant, China, in 2007. More than 40 years have passed since “White Australia” immigration policies were dropped and Australia began to look a little more like Asia. And it is 16 years since an Australian prime minister, John Howard, claimed “we do not have to choose between our history and our geography.”

It is only three months, however, since Australia’s government produced a white paper on “Australia in the Asian Century”, which has provoked renewed debate about Australia’s place in its closest neighbourhood. As Kevin Rudd, a former prime minister, says, Australians feel they live “slightly on the edge”, a feeling heightened by extreme natural events, such as the recent heatwave and accompanying bushfires.

In this section

• Show your hand
• Justice delayed
• No Jokowi
• Is Thanh the man?
• No let-up
• On the edge

Reprints

Related topics

• United States
• Asia
• China
• Politics
• Australia

Their head of state is still the British queen and their security is founded on a treaty with America. Indeed, by agreeing to play host to up to 2,500 American marines, Australia is central to the Obama administration’s “rebalancing” to Asia. And most of Australia’s foreign investment is still from America and Europe. A poll last year by the Lowy Institute, a think-tank in Sydney, found that 95% of Australians thought China already was, or would become, “Asia’s leading power”; 52% felt uncomfortable about it.

The upshot of months of bureaucratic arm-wrestling between independent experts and various government departments, the white paper offers a predictably awestruck view of Asia’s economic rise. By the early 2020s Asia will overtake the combined economic output of Europe and North America. The white paper offers an exhaustive list of recommendations as to how Australia can take advantage of this (it was even more exhaustive before it was drastically pruned, in a late fit of editing, to a mere 312 pages). These cover everything from education, with every Australian school to be linked to one in Asia by 2025, to the transformation of the civil service and even corporate boards by ensuring one-third of their members are “Asia-literate”.

The plea to Australians to wake up to Asia’s potential recalls the efforts of governments in the 1980s and 1990s to rebrand Australia as an “Asian country”. But the context has changed utterly. Back then Australia was languishing and a booming Asia enjoyed condescending to it. In 1980 Lee Kuan Yew, Singapore’s patriarch, warned Australians that they risked becoming “the poor white trash of Asia”. In 1986 an Australian finance minister (and later prime minister), Paul Keating, fretted that without reform the country might become a “banana republic”.

In contrast, 2013 is expected to be Australia’s 22nd consecutive year of economic growth. It weathered the Asian financial crisis of 1997-98, contributing to the bail-outs of Indonesia, South Korea and Thailand. And, uniquely among developed economies, it survived the global financial crisis without a recession. Australia has a new self-confidence in its own economic model. A book published last year by an Australian journalist, George Megalogenis (“The Australian Moment”), argues that, thanks to the economic reforms undertaken over the past three decades, Australia is “more versatile today than any other first-world nation”, and that “it’s our turn to tell them how the world works”.

Asia’s relative economic importance also looks greater than ever. That is partly because of the recent troubles of the developed economies and partly because India has joined the region’s fast-growth club. But mainly it is because of the continued expansion of the Chinese economy. China now takes about 29% of Australia’s exports, mostly energy and minerals. The white paper argues Australia has to ready itself for the day when it cannot prosper simply by digging stuff up and selling it to China. It needs to excel in providing the services a growing Asian middle class will need—such as education and tourism.

The domestic political context has also changed. Not only are ethnic Asians now an important electoral constituency, but the prolonged Asia-led boom means that politicians have to compete to prove their “Asia-literacy”. So for Julia Gillard, the prime minister, commissioning the white paper was one card she can play in the election to be held later this year. It may also have been an attempt to steal some of the Asian clothes of Mr Rudd, the Mandarin-speaker she toppled in a Labor party coup in 2010. To counter impressions that he has a bias to the “anglosphere”, her probable opponent in the election, Tony Abbott, leader of the conservative opposition coalition, has said that as prime minister his policy would have “more Jakarta, less Geneva”. His deputy and prospective foreign minister, Julie Bishop, picks holes in the white paper (“a missed opportunity and potentially counter-productive”) but concedes that its goals and targets are “laudable”.

One analyst, however, levels two related criticisms at it. The first is that it amounts to an “enormous one-way bet” on a rising Asia, and Australia should be worrying more about unforeseen shocks. The second is that the paper does not squarely confront changes to the security environment. It accepts that a “natural, legitimate outcome” of China’s growth will be increased military strength, and expresses optimism that China and America can “manage strategic change”.

…but in the middle

In a public document, one would expect little else, and just this week the government delivered a separate national security strategy. But in Australia as elsewhere in Asia, the mismatch between growing economic dependence on China and security reliance on America looks uncomfortable. Under Mr Rudd, Australia was key to the expansion of the annual East Asia Summit into a security forum which both China and America attend. Few countries have a greater interest in seeing the Pacific’s two big powers get along, and history reconcile itself with geography.

Economist.com/blogs/banyan

From the print edition: Asia

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European demography

Working-age shift

Growth will suffer as workers dwindle

Jan 26th 2013 |From the print edition

THE new-year message from investors and policymakers is the same: Europe has turned the corner. Even so, this year’s economic outlook remains dire. A forecast from the IMF on January 23rd envisages GDP falling by 0.2% in the 17-strong euro area and growing by just 0.2% in the wider 27-strong European Union (EU). But even if a sturdier recovery does eventually get under way, Europe’s longer-term growth prospects will be dulled by an unwelcome new demographic trend.

This year the EU as a whole starts on a long journey—one already begun by the euro area in 2012. The EU’s working-age population (aged 20-64, as Europe’s statisticians define it) starts falling in 2013, from last year’s peak of 308.2m, and will drop over the next 50 years to 265m in 2060 (see chart). The working-age population may be shrinking but the number of older people will carry on rising. That will raise the old-age dependency ratio from 28% in 2010 to 58% in 2060. These demographic shifts, which may be tempered by people working longer, reflect an earlier transition from post-war baby boom to baby bust. They would be even bigger but for an assumed net inflow of over 1m (mostly young) migrants a year.

In this section

• Win some, lose some
• Home on the range
• Twenty years young
• Disease or cure?
• Claim game
• The other side of QE
• Working-age shift
• Vive la différence

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• Economies
• Business
• Culture and lifestyle
• Social issues
• Ageing and the elderly

Europe’s ageing population will cast a pall over growth, which is driven by rising employment as well as higher labour productivity. Higher participation rates in the workforce and lower jobless rates may allow employment to grow a bit until the early 2020s; thereafter it is expected to decline. Based on what may well be an optimistic assumption about potential labour-productivity gains, the European Commission last year projected economic growth of just 1.4% a year in the EU over the next half-century.

Adverse demography will hurt European public finances. The commission expects a rise in annual age-related public spending in the EU of four percentage points of GDP over the next 50 years. Austerity already feels interminable, and there is no end in sight.

From the print edition: Finance and economics

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http://www.economist.com/news/finance-and-economics/21570752-growth-will-suffer-workers-dwindle-working-age-shift/print

Banyan 852 2585 3888On the edge

Australia still does not seem entirely sure where it is

[siberia emperor]

대구, cod, koda(라트비아어) 어떤 연관성이 있는 것일까요?
이곳Barents Sea 가 대구어가 나오는 함경도라면 너무 흥미있는 사실이라고 할 수 있겠지요.물론 더중요한것은 어떤분들이 무슨의도로 이런 엄청난 역사왜곡을 했으며 가장중요한것은 아시아조선에 나오는 한국,일본,중국을 단결시키는 방법이 무엇인가를 찾는것이라고 생각합니다 2013년현재 지구상의 모든나라가 생존하고 번영하는데 가장중요한것은 이웃국가와 선린우호관계를 맺는것인데 아시아 국가들 간의 영토 분쟁과 역사분쟁은 아시아 국가모두에게 부정적결과만을가져옵니다. 저는 한중일뿐만아니라 아시안 게임에 나오는 국가들이 단결하여 21세기 부터는 세계정치 경제

[siberia emperor]

문화,학문을 주도해야한다고 생각합니다.

[최두환]

녜......... 할 일이 태산 같군요.