[Lee Byung-jong]Gen Z’s growing gender gap (이병종) Z세대의 성별차별확대

[김우정]

전 뉴스위크, AP, 블룸버그 서율특파원이며 현 숙명여대 대학원의 이병종 교수의 Z세대에 대한 칼럼입니다.

그는 우리나라와 미국대선에서 나타난 Z세대의 남성과 여성간의 투표성향에 대해 기고했습니다.

지난 대선에서 젊은 세대인 "이대남"은 58%가 윤석열후보를 "이대녀"의 59%는 이재명후보에 투표했습니다.

최근 조사에 의하면 18~29세 미국남성중 트럼프지지층은 13% 많고 여성은 해리스지지자가 38% 많습니다.

한편 민주당의 부통령 후보인 팀 월츠는 낙태권, 성소수자 권리를 지지하는 현대적인 남성 이미지를 보여줍니다.

[Lee Byung-jong] Gen Z’s growing gender gap
(이병종) Z세대의 성별차별확대

Lee Byung-jong
Lee Byung-jong is a former Seoul correspondent for Newsweek, The Associated Press and Bloomberg News. He is a professor in the School of Global Service at Sookmyung Women’s University in Seoul. The views expressed here are the writer’s own. -- Ed.
이병종
이병종은 뉴스위크, AP통신, 블룸버그통신의 서울 특파원이었다. 그는 서울 숙명여자대학교 글로벌 서비스대학원의 교수이다. 여기에 표현된 견해는 필자 자신의 것이다. - 편집자.

By Korea Herald
Published : Aug. 30, 2024 - 05:30

The upcoming US presidential election in November has a surprising degree of similarities with the South Korean presidential election in 2022. For starters, both elections feature candidates who are being tried for various criminal charges, facing prosecutors-turned-candidates on the other side. But more importantly, both elections highlight a remarkably sharp gender divide among young people, particularly Generation Z. In both countries, young men predominantly support conservative candidates, while young women tend to vote for liberal candidates.
다가오는 11월 미국 대통령 선거는 2022년 한국 대통령 선거와 놀라울 정도로 유사성이 있다. 우선, 두 선거 모두 다양한 범죄 혐의로 재판을 받고 있는 후보자들을 등장시키며, 반대편에서 검찰 출신의 후보자들과 마주한다. 그러나 더 중요한 것은, 두 선거 모두 젊은이들, 특히 Z세대 사이에 현저하게 급격한 성별 차이를 강조한다는 것이다. 두 나라 모두에서, 젊은 남성들은 주로 보수적인 후보자들을 지지하는 반면, 젊은 여성들은 진보적인 후보자들에게 투표하는 경향이 있다.

According to a recent survey by The New York Times, US men aged 18-29 favor former President Donald Trump by 13 points, while US women in the same age group prefer Vice President Kamala Harris by 38 points -- a whopping 51-point difference. The gap is quite meaningful because the survey was done in six swing states that will likely determine the final outcome of the election. Although Trump of the conservative Republican Party is in general more popular among men and Harris of the liberal Democratic Party among women, the gender difference is not that striking among generations older than age 29.
뉴욕타임스(NYT)의 최근 조사에 따르면 18~29세 미국 남성은 도널드 트럼프 전 대통령을 13% 더 선호하고, 같은 연령대 여성은 38%로 카멀라 해리스 부통령을 51%나 선호하는 것으로 나타났다. 이번 조사는 선거의 최종 결과를 좌우할 것으로 보이는 6개 스윙 스테이트에서 이뤄졌기 때문에 의미있는 결과다. 대체로 보수 성향 공화당의 트럼프가 여성에게, 29세 이상에서는 자유민주당의 해리스가 더 인기가 높지만 성별 차이는 크지 않다.

Some US analysts believe the wide gender gap among Gen Z is a result of recent advances in women’s rights that lead young men to feel left out. As women’s positions rise continuously in every aspect of the American society, men, particularly young ones, face more difficulties in finding jobs or fulfilling their traditional responsibility of supporting a family. Increasingly feeling excluded socially and economically, young men are drawn to Trump who stresses a more conventional version of masculinity. His tough and rough demeanor captivates many men who miss conventional notions of male strength. Trump’s MAGA (Make America Great Again) slogan is an extension of his masculinity to a national level where he projects the US as a strong superpower.
일부 미국 분석가들은 Z세대 사이의 성별 차이가 젊은 남성들이 소외감을 느끼도록 이끄는 여성 권리의 최근 발전의 결과라고 믿는다. 미국사회의 모든 측면에서 여성의 지위가 지속적으로 상승함에 따라, 남성들, 특히 젊은 사람들은 일자리를 찾거나 가족을 부양하는 그들의 전통적인 책임을 이행하는 데 더 많은 어려움에 직면한다. 사회적으로 그리고 경제적으로 점점 더 배제되고 있다고 느끼는 젊은 남성들은 더 전통적인 버전의 남성성을 강조하는 트럼프에게 끌린다. 그의 거칠고 거친 행동은 남성의 힘에 대한 전통적인 개념을 놓치는 많은 남성들을 사로잡는다. 트럼프의 MAGA (Make America Great Again) 슬로건은 그가 강력한 초강대국으로서 미국을 투영하는 국가적인 수준으로 그의 남성성의 확장이다.

Conversely, young women are drawn by the vision of the Harris campaign, trying to empower women and other traditionally disadvantaged groups, such as minorities and LGBTQ+. The campaign’s pledge for the restoration of abortion rights, which were taken away by the Roe vs. Wade Supreme Court ruling, in particular galvanizes young women voters. Against the Republican Party’s attacks on the issues of immigration and inflation, the Democratic Party puts abortion and reproductive rights at the front and center of its campaign. For that reason, The New York Times calls the US election “a referendum on gender roles.”
반대로 젊은 여성들은 해리스 캠페인의 비전에 이끌려 여성과 소수자, LGBTQ+와 같은 전통적으로 혜택을 받지 못했던 다른 집단들에게 힘을 실어주려고 한다. 로 대 웨이드 대법원 판결로 빼앗긴 낙태 권리 회복 캠페인의 공약은 특히 젊은 여성 유권자들을 자극한다. 이민과 인플레이션 문제에 대한 공화당의 공격에 맞서 민주당은 낙태와 재생산권을 캠페인의 전면과 중심에 둔다. 이런 이유로 뉴욕타임스는 미국선거를 "성 역할에 대한 국민투표"라고 부른다

The gender gap among young people, however, is not limited to the US. Especially after the middle of the 2010s when the #MeToo movement began to rock the whole world, the divide seems to have deepened. Yet the division was perhaps most profound in South Korea. According to the Financial Times, young Korean women were 30 points more progressive in 2020, while young Korean men were 20 points more conservative, for a startling 50-point gap. In that year, the difference was 30 points in the US and 25 points in the UK.
그러나 젊은 사람들 사이의 성별 차이는 미국에만 국한된 것이 아니다. 특히 #미투운동이 전세계를 뒤흔들기 시작한 2010년대 중반 이후, 그 격차는 더 심화된 것으로 보인다. 그러나 그 격차는 아마도 한국에서 가장 심대했을 것이다. 파이낸셜 타임즈에 따르면, 2020년에 젊은 한국 여성들은 30점 진보적인 반면, 젊은 한국 남성들은 20점 보수적이어서 놀라운 50점 차이가 났다. 그 해에, 그 차이는 미국에서 30점, 영국에서 25점이었다.

The wide division between genders among young Koreans no doubt materialized in its presidential election in 2022. Among the so-called "idaenam," men in their 20s, 58 percent voted for conservative candidate Yoon Suk Yeol, while 59 percent of "idaenyeo," women in their 20s, voted for liberal candidate Lee Jae-myung. Yoon’s promise of policies he thought would appeal directly to young men, such as his proposed dissolution of the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family, indeed attracted many young male voters. His signature gesture of an uppercut punch during his campaign was I believe emblematic of his particular kind of macho masculine appeal at the time. The gender gap in Korea continued to appear to a certain extent in the subsequent local and parliamentary elections.
한국 젊은이들 사이의 성별 간의 큰 분열은 의심할 여지없이 2022년 대선에서 구체화되었다. 소위 "이대남" 중에서 20대 여성인 "이대녀"의 59%가 진보적인 이재명 후보에게 투표한 반면, 20대 남성인 "이대남"은 58%가 보수적인 윤석열 후보에게 투표했다. 그가 생각한 여성가족부 해체와 같은 젊은 남성들에게 직접적으로 어필할 수 있는 정책 약속은 정말로 많은 젊은 남성 유권자들을 끌어 모았다. 그의 선거 운동 기간 동안 어퍼컷 펀치의 특징적인 제스처는 그 당시 그의 특별한 종류의 마초적인 남성적인 매력을 상징한다고 믿는다. 한국의 성별 차이는 이후의 지방 선거와 국회의원 선거에서 계속해서 어느 정도 나타났다.

Unfortunately, this pervasive gender divide is expected to worsen, according to some experts. One main reason is the fact that men and women are increasingly residing separately physically and are isolated from each other on the internet. As more people get married later, they are single for a longer period, resulting in the strengthening of their predisposed beliefs and values. Also, as people spend more time on the internet with fewer chances of interacting with people with different ideas, their belief systems further harden.
불행하게도, 일부 전문가들에 따르면, 만연한 이러한 성별 차이는 더 악화될 것으로 예상된다. 한 가지 주요한 이유는 남성과 여성이 점점 더 신체적으로 분리되어 살고 있고 인터넷에서 서로에게 격리되어 있다는 사실이다. 더 많은 사람들이 나중에 결혼을 함에 따라, 그들은 더 긴 기간 동안 미혼이며, 그 결과 그들의 선입견이 강화된다. 또한, 사람들이 다른 생각을 가진 사람들과 교류할 수 있는 기회가 적은 인터넷에 더 많은 시간을 소비함에 따라, 그들의 신념체계는 더욱 강화된다.

The gender divide is exacerbated by politicians who capitalize on it for their own political gains. In both Korea and the US, some politicians attempt to rally their support bases by attacking the other gender. For example, Trump’s running mate for vice president, JD Vance, has recently provoked and angered women and others by calling the US Democratic Party a party of "childless cat ladies."
성별 차이는 정치인들이 자신의 정치적 이익을 위해 그것을 이용함으로써 악화된다. 한국과 미국 모두에서, 일부 정치인들은 상대방의 성별을 공격함으로써 그들의 지지 기반을 강화하려고 시도한다. 예를 들어, 트럼프의 부통령 러닝메이트인 JD 밴스는 최근 미국 민주당을 "아이 없는 고양이 아가씨들"의 정당이라고 부르면서 여성과 다른 사람들을 도발하고 화나게 했다.

Amid such politicized gender-based attacks, there could be a way out. For conservatives, instead of demanding an anachronistic, premodern, macho version of masculinity, they could envision a more evolved identity for men that befits the times. In that sense, Harris’ running mate for vice president, Tim Walz, presents a new masculine ideal. As a former military veteran and football coach who owns guns, Walz appears on one hand to be a typical macho man on the surface. But his support for women's reproductive rights, LGBTQ+ rights and same-sex marriage, along with gun control, free school meals, paid family leave, proactive climate change policies and other liberal values, presents an image of a more sophisticated, contemporary male identity. As a vice presidential candidate, Walz’s version of masculinity is a worthwhile political experiment in this time of polarized politics.
이러한 정치화된 성(性)에 기반한 공격 속에서, 탈출구가 있을 수 있다. 보수주의자들에게, 그들은 시대착오적이고 전근대적이며 마초적인 남성성 버전을 요구하는 대신, 시대에 맞는 남성을 위한 더 진화된 정체성을 구상할 수 있다. 그런 점에서, 부통령을 위한 해리스의 러닝메이트인 팀 월즈는 새로운 남성적 이상을 제시한다. 전직 군인이자 총기를 소유한 축구 감독으로서, 월즈는 한편으로는 전형적인 마초 남성으로 보인다. 그러나 총기 규제, 무상 급식, 유급 가족 휴가, 적극적인 기후 변화 정책 및 기타 자유주의적 가치와 함께, 여성의 재생산권, 성소수자+ 권리 및 동성결혼에 대한 그의 지지는 더 세련되고 현대적인 남성 정체성의 이미지를 제시한다.

#Genderdivide성별차이 #GenerationZZ세대 #Conservativecandidates보수적인후보자들#Liberalcandidates진보적인후보자들 #Women’srights(여성권리 #Masculinity남성성 #Politicalgains정치적이익 #Trump트럼프 #Harris해리스 #Socialandeconomicexclusion사회적,경제적배제