|
http://cafe.daum.net/peacekj/RXi3/13
Statement to Protest the Establishment of Jeju Naval Base
and Build Jeju-Okinawa Peace Solidarity
Tensions comparable to an under-siege and daily confrontations rise in Gangjeong Village where Jeju Naval Base is under construction. Even rudimentary protection of human rights and common sense became something hard to find. There is every reason why the current situation came to remind us of what happened on Jeju Island during the April 3rd Massacre of 1948.
There were numerous cases of human rights violation and deprivation in Okinawa during the US military occupation. When there was the US military administration in South Korea, the April 4th Massacre on Jeju Island took place. There were killings everywhere from Torabora to Helmand during the US military government in Afghanistan. A Faluza attack was operated during the US military occupation of Iraq. The US military administration field manual was first made in the occupied Italy and North Africa in the 1940s, completed in Okinawa, recycled in South Korea to be maintained until today. It is inevitable that large-scale killings are repeated before a general election to set up a pro-US government wherever the US militarily governs, since the process is from the US military administration manual. The historical wounds that Okinawa and Jeju Island have stem from the same perpetrator.
Depleted uranium munition was used in the Gulf War in 1990. There was a shooting accident where DU munition was used in Okinawa in 1995. There was an accidental bombing where DU was used in Yeoncheon in 1997. There was another DU-used accidental shooting in a US warship in Hawaii in 1998. And it turned out that in the US bases in Suwon, Cheongju, Osan in South Korea, and in Kadena Air Base in Okinawa, is being stored over 3 million DU bombs, the amount of which outnumbers three times that used in Iraq. US nuclear Tomahawk missiles aboard submarines use Jinhae in Korea as their port of call through Hawaii and the White Beach Naval Facility in Okinawa. It is obvious that those US ships would also be called to Jeju naval base once its construction is finished. All around the globe, the US bases are fraught with sexual assaults against civilians, cases of noise damage, and oil and other environmental contamination. The ongoing wounds in a state of constant aggravation in Okinawa and Jeju Island also have the same perpetrator.
The most decisive factor in the connection of Korea-Japan, Okinawa and Jeju Island is the existence of the United Nations Command. According to the Notes Exchanged between Prime Minister Yoshida and Secretary of State Acheson, concluded along with Japan-US Mutual Security Treaty on September 8th, 1951, 'if and when the forces of the United Nations are engaged in any United Nations action in the Far East, Japan will permit and facilitate the support in and about Japan of the forces'. Corresponding to this agreement, the following bases were designated as rear bases for the UN Command: Yokosuka Naval Station, Yokota Air Base, Camp Zama, Sasebo Naval Station, Kadena Air Base, Futenma Marine Corps Air Station, the White Beach Naval Base. The Commander in Chief of the UNC exercises operational control stretching from Korea's DMZ to Okinawa. Therefore, the Korea-US-Japan military alliance is not an abstract notion but an existent military apparatus controlled by the same Commander.
The borderline between Korea and Japan, between Okinawa and Jeju is almost meaningless, since to the US forces, they compose a single war zone. This is why Okinawa and Jeju Island cannot help sharing the same history, wound, and goal for their future. This is why anti-base movements in Korea and Japan, Okinawa and Jeju Island should be developed into one, a solidarity to a degree of coalition.
We are gravely concerned about the so-called 'Beautiful Tourism Port for Mixed Military-Civilian Use' the construction of which is being unlawfully enforced in Gangjeong Village, Jeju Island. It is against all common sense that a military base and a civilian port are being constructed on the same piece of ground. It is a reckless victimization of civilian lives since a warship a.k.a. ambulating arsenal should cause accidents, and accidental confrontations to wage war should be staged in times of trouble.
We do not want to see tensions rise at the sea lanes in Northeast Asia, the vital energy supply routes necessary for all livelihoods in Korea, China and Japan. The establishment of Jeju Naval Base, by fortifying Korea's military posture on the pretext of decreasing tension, will only increase the source of tension. The expansion strategy of the sea superpowers is a threat to coastal states, creating a dangerous environment where the latter find themselves being constantly driven by unreasonable and unbearable naval arms race. The more militarized the sea lanes are, the more insecure civilian lives and livelihood become.
We oppose the establishment of Jeju Naval Base, since it is a grave setback on the counter to the constructive institutionalization of maritime regime yet fully fledged of Korea, China and Japan. Jeju Naval Base has already become the signal to a serious maritime tension between Korea and China since the Korean government used the Ieodo Socotra Rock area as a target. The Ieodo area which the Korean government and the ROK Marine Corps insistently commandeer as part of their rationale for the construction of the Jeju Naval Base is where Korean and Chinese Exclusive Economic Zones are overlapped. The EEZ by the standard of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea is a historical achievement which has successfully expanded maritime jurisdiction of coastal states in the Third World vis-a-vis hegemonic sea powers such as Japan and the US. It is true that while this regime is in place, there have arisen tensions in the northeastern sea travelled by Korea, China and Japan. Nevertheless, these three countries have been building a peaceful maritime regime in Northeast Asia through fisheries agreements. Building this Northeast Asia Maritime Regime can only be completed through pacifism, not militarism, in mutual trust built with time, not just with undersigned agreements. Providing serious encroachments on patience, compromise and trust, militarism can never help building peace in the northeastern sea. It is also an outright challenge to the UNCLOS.
We call on the government to stop immediately the restraints on freedom of speech human rights violations against the residents and peace activists in Gangjeong Village. Inquering and protesting are the rights all citizens are born with, constitutionally guaranteed. It is a stark breach of the rule of law that the police, under a presumption that there would be illegality, restrain free movement and speech of the protesters as preventive measures.
As we fully recognize that the Okinawa's and Jeju Island's problems share the same root, our primary demands are as follows:
- We condemn the ongoing construction of the deceptive and dangerous, not only costly but environmentally and culturally holocaustic 'Beautiful Tourism Port for Mixed Military-Civilian Use' on Jeju Island.
- We oppose the establishment of the Jeju Naval Base which will only increase military tension in the sea lanes in Northeast Asia.
- We oppose the establishment of the Jeju Naval Base, a gravely negative and regressive blow to the institutionalization of a peaceful maritime regime in Northeast Asia.
- We oppose the establishment of the Jeju Naval Base, an inhumane destruction of Gangjeong Village community which forces the residents to take lawless conflicts as the daily norm.
- We accuse the National Police Agency of their violations of human rights and clampdowns on freedom of speech.
- Stop immediately the unlawfully enforced construction of the naval base, an incivilizational demolition of Gureombi Rock and all the other invaluable natural and cultural heritage of mankind in and about the construction site.
April 7th, 2012
Korea-Japan Peace Action to Stop the Establishment of Jeju Naval Base
Undersignees (groups and individuals)
Okinawa-Korea People Unity
Japan-Korea People Solidarity Network
Stonewalk Korea, Stonewalk Japan
Second Generation of Hibakusha Korea
Plaintiffs Group for Futenma US Marine Corps Noise Damage
Peace Forum
Okinawa Group of Nabi
Northeast Asia Resource Centre
Photos magazine/group「Patrone」
NO! AWACS Hamamatsu
Constitution Artile 9 - To the World To the Future
Joined Labor Union for Fukuoka
NPO Haneul House
Peace Committee in Aichi Prefecture
Nagoya Mitzubishi Plaintiffs Group for Chosun Women Labor Corps Vicims
Call off! Legislation for Emergency Situations·Kawasaki Citizens' Group
VAWW RAC(Violence Against Women in War Research·Action Centre)
Time-Gazing Group
10 ft. Films-Showing Citizens' Group Shimonoseki
Kitakyushu Teachers' Union Independent
Citizens Furious (怒髪天を衝く会)
久野秀明 (名古屋市 あいち沖縄会議)
川原淑恵 (山口県宇部市)
川原一恵 (山口県宇部市)
天崎秀雄 (山口県宇部市)
尾澤邦子(東京都)
岸本和世(札幌市)
山田正行(大阪府・アウシュヴィッツ平和博物館)
中田光信(京都府)
渋川慧子 (東京都)
宇野朗子(福島市→福岡県福津市・ふくしま月あかりの会)
喜多村憲一(神奈川県・つぶせ!有事法制・川崎市民の会)
瀬川千恵(神奈川県川崎市・脱原発かわさき市民)
吉澤文寿(新潟国際情報大学)
橋野高明 (大阪府 同志社大学人文研研究員・日本キリスト教団牧師)
杉本 泰郎 (すぎもと やすお・岡山市)
樋口淳子(神奈川県横浜市)
石川康子(多摩女性学研究会)
清水信義(しみずのぶよし・宮城県)
寺尾光身(名古屋三菱・朝鮮女子勤労挺身隊訴訟を支援する会 共同代表
中村紀子(名古屋三菱・朝鮮女子勤労挺身隊訴訟を支援する会 共同代表)
中村 薫(大阪府)
松元泰雄(神奈川県)
中西 綾子(横浜市)
矢野創(愛知県平和委員会)
高橋信(愛知県平和委員会、名古屋三菱・朝鮮女子勤労挺身隊訴訟を支援する会 共同代表)
いのうえしんぢ(福岡県・所属団体名 Fight for Your Life)
白水 弘美(福岡県北九州市)
橋本博子(京都府)
松谷務(愛知県)
緒方貴穂(ストーンウォーク・コリア)
藤井克彦(ふじい かつひこ・愛知県名古屋市)
金淑美(きん・すんみ、朝鮮新報社 月刊イオ編集部)
野口千恵子(日本軍慰安婦問題解決のために行動する会・北九州代表)
森本孝子(平和憲法を守る荒川の会共同代表・東京都荒川区在住)
小原 紘(NPO法人アウシュヴィッツ平和博物館 理事・我孫子市)
清重伸之(きよしげのぶゆき・東京都東村山市)
曺美樹(チョウミス・東京都)
冨田 孝正 名古屋三菱・朝鮮女子勤労挺身隊訴訟を支援する会・愛知県)
林伸子(農民新聞・千葉県千葉市)
民族問題研究所 東京支会
小倉志郎
小林 初惠 (全国被爆者青年同盟・広島市)
郡島 恒昭(福岡県)
小笠原みどり(福岡市)
木瀬慶子 (9条連事務局)
木村厚子(岐阜県安八郡)
野田峯雄(ジャーナリスト・東京都立川市)
東本高志(大分県)
出水 薫(IZUMI Kaoru九州大学大学院法学研究院・福岡市)九州大学大学院法学研究院
大橋真司(静岡県)
伊藤シマ子 (北九州市)
仁藤万友美 (愛知県)
本河知明(福岡県・みどり福岡)
朴裕子(愛知県名古屋市)
小野政美(ono masami・愛知県名古屋市・教員:憲法と教育を守る愛知の会)
浅田 明(兵庫県)
池田恵理子(イケダ エリコ・東京都)
内岡貞雄(長生炭鉱の”水非常”を歴史に刻む会会員・北九州市)
寺尾光身(てらおてるみ) 埼玉県
沢村和世(山口県下関市)
青木章 京都市
柴田一裕(沖縄とむすぶ市民行動・福岡)
中野 紘一 (北九州市)
山本英夫(フォトプラザ・ヤマモト)
木野村間一郎
冨田杏二
梶原得三郎(大分県中津市)
彦坂 諦(ひこさか たい・千葉県・作家)
朱文洪 (西南韓国基督教会館主事・北九州市)
牟田口カオル(北九州市)
兼崎暉(北九州市)
田中信幸(熊本市)
堀内隆治(下関市菊川町)
大橋正明(恵泉女学園大学教授)
鍬野保雄(下関市)
加藤賀津子
松永義郎(佐賀県鳥栖市、61歳)
小林久公(「過去と現在を考えるネットワーク北海道」代表)
伊藤莞爾(福岡県北九州市)
岩佐英夫(弁護士)
古賀明江 (日朝友好連帯の会代表)
増田都子(東京都学校ユニオン委員長)
青 英権
筒井修 (福岡地区合同労働組合代表執行委員)
橋本宏一 (日本国民救援会京都府本部事務局長)
高山俊吉 (弁護士)
横原由紀夫
木村玉祚(福岡県)
田島 隆(ひとミュージアム上野誠版画)
林 尚志(山口県下関市)
花房恵美子(福岡県、戦後責任を問う・関釜裁判を支援する会所)
斎藤京子(東京都・WAM、脱原発川崎市民の会、町田市の朝鮮学校を支援する会、他多数)
新城美紀( 兵庫県)
ぺ・トンノク(北九州市)
新城美紀( 兵庫県)
高秀美(東京)
井上裕子(福岡県・みどりの未来会員)
斉藤一美(東京都・「慰安婦」問題とジェンダー平等ゼミナール)
森川 静子(埼玉県・キリスト者)
進藤悦子(北九州がっこうユニオン・うい)
山根弘美(北九州がっこうユニオン・うい)
友延博子(北九州がっこうユニオン・うい)
藤堂均(北九州がっこうユニオン・うい)
國米リリ子(こくまい・りりこ、神奈川県川崎市)
若本洋子
藤岡 惇(立命館大学経済学部教授)
藤野 龍一(千葉県)
中原道子(Nakahara Michiko・東京都杉並区)
髙實康稔(たかざね・やすのり、長崎県、長崎大学名誉教授)
山田恵子(東京都・VAWW RAC『バウラック』)
岡田 卓己(おかだ たかし・韓国大邱広域市 啓明文化大学教員)
金子なおか (東京都)
伊藤英雄(神奈川県・「脱原発かわさき市民」)
水谷明子(東京都)
野村修身(東京都・NOMURA; Osami, Dr. Eng)
田場洋和(東京都・所属団体:練馬・文化の会)
田場祥子(東京都・所属団体『VAWW RAC=VAWW-NETジャパンの後続団体』)