스크랩 신약개론 원문 #2 - 메이첸

[경태윤희-건은준]

LESSON XXIII

THE SUPREMACY OF CHRIST

1. THE EPISTLES OF THE THIRD GROUP

With the lesson for to-day, we are introduced to the third group among the epistles of Paul. The epistles of the second group, which were written during the third missionary journey, are concerned with the problem of sin and salvation; the epistles of the third group are interesting especially for their teaching about the person of Christ and about the Church. A period of about three or four years separates the last epistle of the second group from the first epistle of the third. Most of this interval had been spent by Paul in captivity. Undoubtedly, during this period of enforced leisure, there had been development in Paul's thinking, but it is very difficult to determine exactly wherein that development consisted. The differences of the third group of epistles from the second are due to the difference in the readers at least as much as to a difference in Paul himself. It is hard to say just how much of Colossians and Ephesians Paul would have been incapable of writing during the third missionary journey.

At any rate, the epistles of the captivity differ from those of the former group in being for the most part quieter in tone. During the third journey Paul had had to continue the great battles of his career against various forms of Judaizing error. Christianity at one time seemed to be in danger of being reduced to a mere form of Judaism; the free grace of God was being deserted for a law religion; faith was being deserted for works. In Galatia, the question of principle had been uppermost; in Corinth, the personal attack upon Paul. Everywhere, moreover, the gospel of salvation by faith was exposed to misconception. Pagan license was threatening to creep into the Church. Unless it could be kept out, the legalists would have some apparent show of reason on their side. Taking it all in all, it had been a hard battle. But it had been gloriously fought, and it had been won. Now Paul was able to turn his attention to new fields of labor and to new problems.

2. THE CHRISTOLOGY OF COLOSSIANS

The Epistle to the Colossians is peculiarly "Christological." More fully and more expressly than in any other of his letters Paul[125] here develops his view about the person of Christ. Even here, however, this teaching is incidental; it was simply Paul's way of refuting certain errors that had crept into the Colossian church. Except for those errors Paul would perhaps never have written at length, as he does in Col. 1:14-23, about the relation of Christ to God and to the world. Yet in that case his own views would have been the same, and they would have been just as fundamental to his whole religious life. In the epistles, which are written to Christians, Paul takes many things for granted. Some of the things which are most fundamental appear only incidentally. Just because they were fundamental, just because they were accepted by everyone, they did not need to be discussed at length.

So it is especially with the person of Christ. From the first epistle to the last, Paul presupposes essentially the same view of that great subject. Practically everything that he says in Colossians could have been inferred from scattered hints in the earlier epistles. From the beginning Paul regarded Jesus Christ as a man, who had a real human life and died a real death on the cross. From the beginning, on the other hand, he separated Christ sharply from men and placed him clearly on the side of God. From the beginning, in other words, he attributed to him a double nature—Jesus Christ was always in Paul's thinking both God and man. Finally, the preëxistence of Christ, which is so strongly emphasized in Colossians, is clearly implied in such passages as Gal. 4:4; and his activity in creation appears, according to the best-attested text, in I Cor. 8:6.

Nevertheless, the more systematic exposition in Colossians is of the utmost value. It serves to summarize and explain the scattered implications of the earlier epistles. Christ according to Paul is, in the first place, "the image of the invisible God." Col. 1:15. He is the supreme Revealer of God, a Revealer, however, not merely by words but by his own nature. If you want to know what God is, look upon Christ! In the second place, he is "the firstborn of all creation." Of itself that phrase might be misconstrued. It might be thought to mean that Christ was the first being that God created. Any such interpretation, however, is clearly excluded by the three following verses. There Paul has himself provided an explanation of his puzzling phrase. "The firstborn of all creation" means that Christ, himself uncreated, existed before all created things; he was prior to all things, and, as befits an only son, he possesses all things. Indeed he himself was active in the creation of all things, not only the world, and men, but also those angelic powers—"thrones or[126] dominions or principalities or powers"—upon whom the errorists in Colossæ were inclined to lay too much emphasis. He was the instrument of God the Father in creation. And he was also the end of creation. The world exists not for its own sake, but for the sake of Christ. Especially is he the Head of the Church. His headship is declared by his being the first to rise from the dead into that glorious life into which he will finally bring all his disciples. In a word, the entire "fulness" of the divine nature dwells in Christ. That word "fulness" was much misused in the "Gnostic" speculations of the second century. It is barely possible that the word had already been employed in the incipient Gnosticism of the Colossian errorists. If so, Paul by his repeated use of the word in Colossians and Ephesians, is bringing his readers back to a healthier and simpler and grander conception.

3. THE PERSON OF CHRIST AND THE WORK OF CHRIST

In Col. 1:20-23, Paul bases upon the preceding exposition of the nature of Christ a noble description of Christ's work. The work which has been intrusted to Christ is nothing less than that of reconciling the creation unto God. Through sin, an enmity had been set up between God and the work of his hands. That enmity applies primarily of course to the sinful persons themselves. They are under God's wrath and curse. Sin is not a trifle. It cannot simply be treated as though it had never been. If God be righteous, then there is such a thing as a moral order. The wrath of God rests upon the sinner. But by the sacrifice of Christ, that enmity has been wiped out. Christ has paid the awful penalty of sin. Christ has brought the sinner again near to God. The enmity and the following reconciliation concern primarily the men who have sinned. But they also apply to the whole world. The ground has been cursed for man's sake. The end of the reconciliation will be a new heaven and a new earth. The groaning and travailing of the creation will one day have an end. Compare Rom. 8:18-25.

This brief description of the work of Christ in Col. 1:20-22; 2:10-15, can be richly paralleled in the earlier epistles. What now needs to be emphasized is that the Pauline view of Christ's work depends absolutely upon the Pauline view of Christ's person. All through the epistles of Paul the life and death and resurrection are represented as events of a cosmic significance. But they can have such significance only if Christ is the kind of being that is described in the Epistle to the Colossians. The glorious account of[127] salvation, which runs all through the epistles and forms the especial subject of the second group, is unintelligible if Christ were merely an inspired prophet or merely the greatest of created things. It becomes intelligible only if Christ is "the image of the invisible God, the firstborn of all creation." The mysterious Christology of Colossians lies at the very heart of Christian faith.

4. THE EPISTLE TO PHILEMON

The Epistle to the Colossians, though addressed to a church that Paul had never visited, is full of warm-hearted affection. Paul could hardly have been cold and formal if he had tried. He was a man of great breadth of sympathy. Hence he was able to enter with the deepest interest into the problems of the Colossian Christians—to rejoice at their faith and love, to lament their faults, and to labor with whole-souled devotion for their spiritual profit.

The simple, unconstrained affection of Paul's nature, however, had freer scope in the delightful little letter to Philemon. Philemon apparently was a convert of Paul himself. Philem. 19. He was not a man with whom Paul had to be on his guard. Paul is perfectly confident that Philemon will fully understand the motives of his action and of his letter.

The letter is addressed to Philemon primarily, but also to Apphia and to Archippus and to the church in Philemon's house. We are here introduced into a Christian household of the apostolic age. Apphia was probably Philemon's wife and Archippus perhaps his son. Evidently Archippus held some sort of office in the Colossian church. "Say to Archippus," says Paul in a strangely emphatic way, at the very end of the Epistle to the Colossians, "Take heed to the ministry which thou hast received in the Lord, that thou fulfill it." We should like to know what the ministry was which Archippus had received. At any rate, we hope that he fulfilled it. It was a solemn warning which he received—a warning which might well have made him tremble. We also may well take the warning to heart. Our task of imparting Bible truth is no light responsibility. To us also the warning comes, "Take heed to the ministry which thou hast received in the Lord, that thou fulfill it."

The letter is addressed not only to Philemon and his family, but also to the "church" which met in his house. This "church" was a part of the Colossian congregation. In the early days, when it was difficult to secure meeting places, well-to-do Christians frequently offered the hospitality of their own homes. A certain Nympha or[128] Nymphas—the name varies in the manuscripts—performed this service in Laodicea, Col. 4:15, Aquila and Priscilla in Corinth, I Cor. 16:19, and also Gaius in the same city. Rom. 16:23.

The Epistle to Philemon exhibits that perfection of courtesy and delicacy of feeling which has been observed again and again in Paul. A man of coarser feeling might have kept Onesimus with him until receiving the response of Philemon. In that case no doubt Philemon would have replied not only that Onesimus was forgiven, but that Paul might retain the benefit of his services. But Paul saw clearly that that would have made Philemon's goodness seem to be of necessity and not of free will. Philem. 14. There was only one really fine, honorable, high-toned way of dealing with the situation, and that was the way which Paul adopted.

The letter is informal and affectionate. There is even apparently a little delicate play on the name Onesimus, which means "helpful." Once Onesimus belied his name, but now he has become helpful again. Philem. 11. In v. 20, also, where Paul says, "Let me have joy of thee," he uses a word which comes from the same root as that which appears in the name of the slave. Nevertheless, despite all informality, Paul has succeeded, here as always, in lifting the matter to a lofty plane. Paul was a man who ennobled everything that he touched.

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In the Library.—Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp. 241-246. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible," articles on "Colossæ," "Hierapolis" and "Laodicea": Purves, articles on "Colossians, Epistle to the" and "Philemon" (supplemented). Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible": Ramsay, articles on "Colossæ," "Hierapolis," and "Laodicea"; Murray, article on "Colossians, Epistle to the"; Bernard, articles on "Philemon," and "Philemon, Epistle to." M'Clymont, "The New Testament and Its Writers," pp. 91-98. Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary for English Readers," vol. iii: Barry, "The Epistles of Paul the Apostle to the Ephesians, Philippians, and Colossians," pp. 1-8, 96-124; "The Epistle of Paul to Philemon," pp. 265-274. "The Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges": Moule, "The Epistles to the Colossians and to Philemon." Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," vol. i, pp. 439-479. Lightfoot, "Saint Paul's Epistles to the Colossians and to Philemon." The two last-named works are intended primarily for those who have some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by others.

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LESSON XXIV

THE CHURCH OF CHRIST

The special effort in the lessons of the second quarter has been to produce some lively impression of the wonderful variety among the letters of Paul. That variety is due largely to the variety in the occasions of the letters. Just because Paul entered with such sympathy into the varying circumstances of his many churches, the letters of Paul reflect the wonderful manifoldness of life.

Nevertheless, it is also an advantage that at least one letter is largely independent of any special circumstances whatever. This is the case with the epistle which is to be studied to-day. The Epistle to the Ephesians is addressed to a definite group of churches, but that group is addressed not with regard to its own special problems, but simply as representative of Gentile Christianity in general. For once Paul allows his thoughts to flow unchecked by the particular needs of his readers.

1. STYLE OF EPHESIANS

The purpose of Ephesians, therefore, is quite different from the purpose of any other of the Pauline Epistles. To the difference in purpose corresponds a difference in style. The style of Ephesians is characterized especially by long sentences, heaped full of an almost bewildering wealth of thought. This characteristic had appeared to some extent even in the earliest epistles—compare II Thess. 1:3-10—but in Ephesians it becomes more pronounced. Ephesians 1:3-14, for example, is only one sentence, but it is a world in itself. Apparently in this epistle Paul has allowed his mind and heart to roam unchecked over the whole realm of the divine economy. This freedom might conceivably be thought to involve a sacrifice of logical symmetry and of euphonic grace, but at any rate it possesses a certain beauty and value of its own. Ephesians may lack the splendid rhythm of the first chapter of First Corinthians or the eighth chapter of Romans, but on the other hand these tremendous periods, with their heaping-up of majestic phrases, serve admirably to express the bewilderment of the soul in the presence of divine wonders. Human language is inadequate to do full justice to the grace of God. In Ephesians, we see an inspired apostle striving to[130] give utterance in human language to things which in their full reality are unspeakable.

2. COLOSSIANS AND EPHESIANS

The Epistle to the Ephesians is strikingly similar to the Epistle to the Colossians, not only in thought, but also in many details of language. Another case of striking similarity between two epistles of Paul was encountered in First and Second Thessalonians. There the two similar letters were written both to the same church, though at no very great interval of time. The similarity was due to the desire which Paul felt of reiterating, with some additions and explanations, the teaching of his former letter. In the case of Ephesians and Colossians the similarity is even more easily explained. These two epistles were written to different churches at the same time. What more natural than that the same thoughts and to some extent the same words should appear in both? Only, the teaching which in Colossians is directed against a definite form of error is in Ephesians reproduced in freer, more general form. The relation between the two epistles is somewhat like that which exists between Galatians and Romans. In Galatians, the doctrine of salvation by faith appears in conflict with the opposing error; in Romans, the same doctrine finds expression‎, but this time in quieter, more systematic development, after the conflict is over. The similarity between Galatians and Romans is, however, not so close as that between Colossians and Ephesians—partly because the contrast of spirit is not so striking in the latter case, Colossians being far less bitterly polemic than Galatians; and more particularly because a considerable interval separates Romans from Galatians, whereas Colossians and Ephesians were dispatched by the same messenger.

3. THE ADDRESS OF EPHESIANS. EPH. 1:1,2

In the Student's Text Book, it has been shown that the words "at Ephesus" in the first verse may perhaps be no part of what Paul wrote, but a later addition. It cannot be claimed, however, that the problem of the address has been completely solved. Without the words "at Ephesus," the address becomes very difficult. "To the saints that are and the faithful in Christ Jesus" hardly seems to make sense. The Greek words might be construed perfectly well to mean, "To the saints who are also faithful in Christ Jesus," but that is a rather unusual expression‎. The suggestion has been made that in the first copies of the epistle a blank space was left after "the[131] saints that are," to be filled in with the names of the particular churches of the group which is addressed. Every church among the group would thus receive a copy with its own name inserted. The hypothesis is not altogether satisfactory. Probably we shall simply have to admit that there is an unsolved problem here.

4. THANKSGIVING FOR THE PLAN OF SALVATION. EPH. 1:3-14

Before the customary thanksgiving for the Christian state of the readers, Paul inserts here, in accordance with the nature of this epistle, a general thanksgiving for the whole Church, which is applied especially to the readers only at the very end. The passage contains a wonderful summary of the whole of salvation, but it begins with the plan of God and it closes with the glory of God. God is the beginning and end of all things. His mysterious decree is the cause of our being chosen for salvation, and his own glory is the ultimate object in view. Men are often rebellious against such a God-centered view of things. Predestination is an unpopular doctrine. But it was at any rate the doctrine of Paul, and it lay at the roots of his experience. It is sometimes hard for us to write God so large in our thoughts. Because we think of him merely as a somewhat greater man, we are inclined to reject the doctrine which attributes all things to the workings of his will and to the furtherance of his glory. If, however, we could think of him, not only as a person, but also as an infinite, eternal and holy person, then we should murmur no longer, but should, with Paul, burst forth in praise of the inscrutable wonder of his grace. The glory of a merciful God has involved for its full unfolding the salvation of guilty sinners. God's glory finds its full expression‎ only when he is revealed as the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ.

5. THANKSGIVING AND PRAYER FOR THE READERS. EPH. 1:15 to 2:10

Beginning with thanksgiving for the present faith and love of the readers, Paul passes at once to a prayer that they may be given understanding to appreciate the wonderful salvation which has been celebrated in the preceding section, especially the mighty Saviour who has been bestowed upon the Church. Then the greatness of the present salvation, not only of Gentiles, but also of Jews, is celebrated by a contrast with the previous condition of sin and misery. The blessed change has been due, not to anything in man, but simply and solely to the grace of God, received by faith.

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6. RECEPTION OF THE GENTILES. EPH. 2:11-22

Here the contrast between past and present is applied especially to the Gentiles. Formerly they were excluded from the people of God. But now by the death of Christ the "middle wall of partition" has been broken down. Gentiles and Jews have now a common access to the Father.

7. THE MINISTRY OF PAUL. EPH., ch. 3

This reception of the Gentiles is the work that has been intrusted especially to Paul. It is a glorious ministry, far too great for human strength. It can be fulfilled only through the grace of God. The full mystery of God's grace, concealed for many generations, has at last been revealed. The first half of the epistle is fittingly closed by a doxology.

8. LIFE IN THE CHURCH. EPH., chs. 4 to 6

This section may be called the practical part of the epistle. It exhibits the results in holy living which proceed from the glorious gospel which has just been proclaimed. Even in the "practical" part, however, the great doctrines of God's grace are so constantly finding renewed expression‎ that it is difficult to separate one part from the other. Paul never separated moral precepts from the great truths which give them force. Let the readers live like citizens of the commonwealth of God, and members of the body of Christ!

Naturally, in this part of the epistle the unity of the Church—which is perhaps the central theme of the whole—is especially emphasized. The first half of the fourth chapter, for example, is a magnificent hymn to Christian unity. Even in the midst of the directions for the various relationships of life the great theme of Christ and the Church, under the figure of husband and wife, is brought again into view.

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In the Library.—Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp. 246-249. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves and Davis, article on "Ephesians, Epistle to the." Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible": Lock, article on "Ephesians, Epistle to." M'Clymont, "The New Testament and Its Writers," pp. 99-103. Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary for English Readers," vol. iii: Barry, "The Epistles of Paul the Apostle to the Ephesians, Philippians, and Colossians," pp. 9-60. "The Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges": Moule, "The Epistle to the Ephesians." Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," vol. i, pp. 479-522. Robinson, "St. Paul's Epistle to the Ephesians." The two last-named works are intended primarily for those who have some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by others.

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LESSON XXV

CHRIST AND HIS FOLLOWERS

The Epistle to the Philippians is the only one of the letters of Paul which is addressed to an approved church with whom he stood on terms of untroubled intimacy and affection. In Galatians and both the Corinthian epistles, serious errors in the churches addressed, as well as unscrupulous personal criticism, lend a tone of bitterness to the apostle's words; Romans, Colossians and perhaps "Ephesians" are addressed to churches which he had never seen. In some ways the little letter to Philemon is very similar to Philippians. Both Philippians and Philemon display the same perfect confidence in the readers, the same perfection of courtesy, the same tone of untroubled cordiality. But Philemon is addressed primarily to an individual, and Philippians to a church; Philemon confines itself almost exclusively to one little personal matter, while Philippians discusses a variety of topics. Among the letters addressed to churches, perhaps the First Epistle to the Thessalonians is more similar to Philippians, at least in tone, than is any of the others. Like Philippians it is animated by a deep satisfaction with the readers, and a certain pleasing simplicity of manner. But here again of course there are wide differences. First Thessalonians is addressed to an infant church, which has just passed through its first trial, and needs the most elementary instruction; in Philippians Paul is writing to old friends, to a church which for ten years has endured bravely the hardships incident to the Christian profession, and has shared in fullest sympathy the joys and sorrows of the apostle's life.

During the ten years, moreover, which have elapsed between First Thessalonians and Philippians, there has been a change in the apostle himself, as well as in his readers. Those years of conflict and labor and meditation and suffering have borne fruit in the apostle's own thinking. His gospel was the same from the beginning, but the expression‎ of it has become richer and maturer and nobler with the advancing years. Philippians is a wonderful letter. Simplicity and profundity are here combined. This simple letter of thanks, with its delicate courtesy and tactful admonition, has[134] engaged the profoundest study of the theologians, and touched the grandest chords of the Christian heart.

1. THE ADDRESS. Phil. 1:1,2

The address of Philippians is remarkable because of the mention of bishops and deacons, which occurs in this way in no other of the Pauline Epistles. Possibly, as has been suggested, these officers are here mentioned because they had had a special part in sending the gifts of the church. It is important to observe that there was a plurality of bishops in the Philippian church. At a later time, when the "bishops" were exalted above the other presbyters, there was only one bishop in every church. In The Acts and in the Pauline Epistles, "bishop" and "presbyter" appear plainly as nothing more than two names for exactly the same office.

It should be noticed that the title "apostle," which appears at the beginning of all the other Pauline Epistles addressed to churches, except First and Second Thessalonians, the two earliest, is lacking in the address of Philippians. Perhaps in writing to such a devoted church Paul considered it unnecessary to mention his apostleship as he had regularly done in his epistles since the denial of it in Galatia. On account of the peculiar nature of the Philippian church, the Epistle to the Philippians partakes somewhat of the informality and intimacy of such a letter as that to Philemon, where the title is also lacking in the address.

Very naturally Timothy is associated with Paul in the address of the epistle, for he had been one of Paul's companions in founding the Philippian church. At what time Timothy had come to Rome we do not know. His name appears also in the address of Colossians and of Philemon. Luke, although he had journeyed with Paul to Rome, and was in Rome at the time when Colossians and Philemon were written, Col. 4:14; Philem. 24, was apparently absent at the time of Philippians; for since he, like Timothy, had assisted in founding the Philippian church, and perhaps had even remained in Philippi for years after the departure of the others, he would probably have been associated in the address, or at least would have sent greetings, if he had been at hand.

2. THE THANKSGIVING. Phil. 1:3-11

As might have been expected, the thanksgiving for the Christian state of the readers is in this epistle of unusual cordiality. In the mention of their "fellowship in furtherance of the gospel from the[135] first day until now," there is perhaps a delicate allusion to the material assistance which they had sent him from time to time and especially a little while before the writing of the letter; but such material assistance was for Paul of course not the only, or even the principal, manifestation of their fellowship. Here as often, the thanksgiving runs over into a prayer—and this time it is a prayer of singular beauty and depth.

3. PROGRESS OF AFFAIRS IN ROME. Phil. 1:12-30

In this section, Paul hastens to relieve the minds of his readers about the course of events in Rome. Even his bonds, and the jealousy of certain preachers, have resulted only in the furtherance of the gospel. With regard to the outcome of his trial, there is every reason to be hopeful. For his part he would prefer to depart and to be with Christ, but there is still work for him to do. And whether he is present or absent, let the Philippians give him joy by living in a manner worthy of the gospel, and by being steadfast in the persecutions which are bound to come to them as well as to him. It is a high privilege not only to believe in Christ, but also to suffer for him.

4. EXHORTATION TO UNITY. Phil. 2:1-18

With the utmost earnestness, Paul here appeals to his readers to keep their Christian life free from selfishness and quarreling. The stupendous "Christological" passage of the epistle, vs. 5-11, which has given rise to endless discussion, is introduced merely in an incidental way, in order to strengthen the apostle's exhortation. So it is frequently in the letters of Paul. The apostle was always able to make the profoundest verities of the faith immediately effective in conduct. Theology in Paul was never divorced from practice. The converse of the proposition, however, is also true. If Paul's theology did not exist apart from practice, neither did his practice exist apart from theology. It is the latter proposition which needs to be emphasized to-day. Modern liberalism has sometimes endeavored to reproduce Paul's religion apart from his theology; but the effort has resulted in failure.

The example of Christ which Paul holds up before his readers is briefly as follows: Originally Christ not only existed in the form of God—that is, was in full possession of the divine attributes—but also lived in glory, in a way befitting deity. Instead, however, of keeping hold of this heavenly glory, he humbled himself by[136] becoming man. He laid aside, not indeed his divine attributes, but the enjoyment of his divine glory. He who was Lord of all took the form of a servant like other men. And even more. His obedience extended even to death, and to the shameful death of the cross. But after humiliation came exaltation. God gave to him a name that is above every name. At the name of Jesus every knee shall bow, in earth and in heaven, to the glory of God the Father.

5. THE MISSION OF TIMOTHY AND OF EPAPHRODITUS. Phil. 2:19-30

The personal appeal with which the preceding section closed leads Paul to speak of the plans which he has for the comfort and help of the readers. Timothy will be sent as soon as the issue of Paul's trial is definitely in view; Epaphroditus will return to Philippi at once.

6. WARNING AGAINST OPPONENTS. Phil., ch. 3

The men who are rebuked in very vigorous language in the former part of this section evidently placed an excessive emphasis upon circumcision and connection with the people of Israel. Perhaps also they were advocates of a law righteousness. V. 9. The most obvious suggestion is that they were Judaizers like those in Galatia, or at least like the opponents of Paul in Corinth. Paul's account in vs. 4-6 of the Jewish advantages, fully equal to those of his opponents, which he counts as nothing in view of the superior advantages of faith in Christ, is strikingly similar to II Cor. 11:21,22. If, however, Paul is here referring to Judaizers, it looks as though they were at least as cautious as the opponents in Corinth about presenting the claims of the law. At any rate, the danger of a legalistic propaganda either in Philippi or in Rome does not seem to be very seriously in view. Apparently the acute stage of the Judaistic controversy is over. It is possible that Paul is referring to Jews rather than Jewish Christians. We must remember that Judaism in the first century was still an active missionary religion. A Jewish propaganda, with stress upon circumcision and law righteousness, might conceivably become, even in Philippi, where the Jews seem not to have been numerous, a serious danger, if not to the stability, at least to the rapid extension, of the Christian Church.

Finally, it is uncertain whether "the enemies of the cross of Christ," Phil. 3:18, are the same as those who are combated in the former part of the section.

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Fortunately these various uncertainties do not affect the lofty teaching of this part of the epistle. Whoever the opponents were, what Paul says in opposition to them is the thing of real value. In the wonderfully terse, complete, vigorous description of the Christian salvation and of the Christian life which Paul gives in ch. 3:7-14,20,21, the long years of the Judaistic controversy have borne glorious fruit. The final, eternal truth of God, in classic statement, has at last emerged triumphant from the conflict.

7. EXHORTATION, ACKNOWLEDGMENT, GREETINGS AND BENEDICTION. Phil., ch. 4

The principal contents of this section have been discussed in the Student's Text Book. First Paul applies the general exhortation to unity, Phil. 2:1-11, to the case of Euodia and Syntyche, and adds certain other brief exhortations. The "true yokefellow" of ch. 4:3 probably refers to Epaphroditus, the bearer of the epistle. Then, in a characteristically delicate and worthy manner, he acknowledges the gift of the Philippians. Next, in just a word, he transmits, along with his own, the greetings of his immediate companions, and of the Roman church in general, especially of those members who were connected, as slaves or officials, with the immediate service of the emperor. Finally, with a brief benediction, the epistle closes.

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In the Library.—Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp. 249-251. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves (edited) article on "Philippians." Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible": Gibb, article on "Philippians, Epistle to the." M'Clymont, "The New Testament and Its Writers," pp. 83-90. Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary for English Readers", vol. iii: Barry, "The Epistles of Paul the Apostle to the Ephesians, Philippians, and Colossians," pp. 61-90. "The Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges": Moule, "The Epistle to the Philippians." Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," vol. i, pp. 522-564. Lightfoot, "Saint Paul's Epistle to the Philippians." The two last-named works are intended primarily for those who have some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by others.

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LESSON XXVI

TRAINING NEW LEADERS

The emphasis which the Pastoral Epistles lay upon sound instruction and upon orderly government is sometimes looked upon with distaste. Orthodoxy and organization are thought to be destructive of religious fervor. In the New Testament, however, the two aspects of the Church's life appear side by side. In the New Testament, enthusiasm and sanity are united. And the New Testament is right. Religion is a concern of every individual soul—the final decision must be made by every man in the immediate presence of his God—but normally no man can do without association with his fellows. The Church is a great permanent community. It is not merely an aggregation, but an institution. To break away from its restraints may be attractive, it may produce a certain temporary impression of zeal and new life; but in the long run the old way is usually best.

The Pastoral Epistles, however, are sometimes thought to indicate an unfortunate change in Paul himself as well as in the Church. Some students would prefer to know only the Paul of Galatians and Corinthians and Romans. This judgment is one-sided. The Pastorals do not contradict, but supplement, the earlier letters. The earlier period, no doubt, is the more inspiring; there is nothing in the Pastoral Epistles like the first few chapters of First Corinthians, or the fifth chapter of Second Corinthians, or the eighth chapter of Romans. These passages are overpowering in the intensity of their eloquence; the later letters are soberer, graver, more matter-of-fact. These latter qualities, however, are much needed in the Church. The Church needs enthusiasm; but she also needs gravity and sanity. Her function is not merely evangelistic; it is also conservative and educational. In both functions Paul was a leader. The quiet gravity of the Pastoral Epistles supplements the glories of Galatians and Romans. Only when these last epistles are added to the others can the many-sided greatness of Paul be fully appreciated. Exaggerations, moreover, should be avoided. The soberness of the Pastorals is not commonplace. Back of the details of organization, back of the concern for sound instruction, there can[139] be detected throughout the glow of the Pauline gospel. The Pastoral Epistles, like the other letters of Paul, are a perennial fountain of Christian life.

The Second Epistle to Timothy was clearly the last of the extant epistles of Paul; but the order of First Timothy and Titus cannot be certainly determined. The difficulty of reconstructing the history implied by the Pastoral Epistles reveals anew the supreme value of The Acts. After the conclusion of the Lucan narrative the historian is almost helpless. From about A. D. 63 on into the second century, the history of the Church is shrouded in profound darkness, with gleams of light only here and there.

1. THE FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY

At the time when First Timothy was written, Paul had recently made a journey to Macedonia. I Tim. 1:3. Perhaps he had gone thither from Ephesus, though the words do not make that perfectly clear. At any rate, he had directed Timothy to remain in Ephesus, where he hoped to join him before long. In case of delay, however, he writes the epistle. Chs. 3:14,15; 4:13.

On a previous occasion, perhaps by word of mouth when he had been in Ephesus, he had warned Timothy to put a stop to certain false teaching in the Church, and the warning is now reiterated in the epistle. The exact nature of this teaching is somewhat difficult to determine. Apparently it had been concerned with the Jewish law. Ch. 1:7-11. Compare Titus 1:10,14. Like the false teaching at Colossæ, it seems not to have been directly subversive of the truth of the gospel. At least, however, it diverted attention from the great things of the faith to useless questionings. I Tim. 6:4. The myths and endless genealogies, ch. 1:4, compare 4:7, were perhaps elaborations of the Old Testament history. Whether the ascetic tendency which is combated in ch. 4:3,8, is connected with this same teaching, is not certain, but is on the whole perhaps probable.

The first reference to the false teaching, ch. 1:3-10, leads Paul to speak of the norm by which it could be combated. Vs. 11-20. That norm was the gospel with which he had been intrusted. The bestowal of the gospel had changed him from a blasphemer and persecutor into an apostle. The gospel had been bestowed purely by the free grace of Christ, and its content was the salvation which Christ offers. A doxology to God, v. 17, is natural whenever that gospel is mentioned. That gospel will overcome all error, and if[140] attended to diligently will prevent disasters like that which has befallen Hymenæus and Alexander.

In the second chapter, Paul insists upon gravity and order in the public worship of the Church. In the prayers which are to be offered, the civil authority is not to be forgotten, even though it be non-Christian. The sympathies of the Christian must be broad. God desires all men to come to a knowledge of the truth.

The highest regular officers of the Church are in the third chapter called "bishops." It is abundantly evident, however—especially from Titus 1:5,7—that "bishop" is only another name for "presbyter" or "elder." At a later time the term "bishop" was applied to an officer who had the supreme oversight over a church and to whom the elders were subject. These conditions did not prevail at the time of the Pastoral Epistles. At first sight, indeed, it might seem as though Timothy and Titus themselves were "bishops" in the later sense of the word. But this also is false. Timothy and Titus do not appear at all as officers of individual congregations. They had oversight over a plurality of churches, and evidently their authority was special and temporary. They did not fill an office which was intended to become permanent in the Church, but were simply special representatives of the apostle. As the apostles had no successors, so no man after the apostolic age had a right to assume the functions of Timothy and Titus.

The fourth chapter calls attention to the revelation of the Holy Spirit, probably through the lips of Christian prophets, that in the future there would appear apostates from the faith. The errorists who are combated in vs. 7-10 are apparently to be regarded as forerunners, still within the Church, of the more open apostasy which is one day to follow.

The institution of the "widows," which is discussed in the fifth chapter, is to us somewhat obscure. Evidently those who were accounted "widows," being helpless, were entitled to support by the church. The necessity of sound teaching, with emphasis upon the really fundamental things of the faith, is again insisted upon; and certain false teachers are accused of practicing or inculcating piety as a means of worldly gain. Ch. 6:3-10. The last warning of the epistle characteristically concerns vain babblings and oppositions of a so-called knowledge. Probably these errors are connected in some way with those which are combated in the first section of the epistle. In the final words, "Grace be with you," the "you" in the Greek, according to the best attestation, is plural; and in the corresponding[141] passages at the end of Titus and of Second Timothy, it is certainly plural. This may furnish an indication—to be added to more general considerations—that the Pastoral Epistles were intended not merely for those to whom they are formally addressed, but also to the churches under their care.

2. THE EPISTLE TO TITUS

The address of the Epistle to Titus is noteworthy for the long addition to the title of the author, which is to be compared with the similar addition in Romans.

At the time when the epistle was written, Paul had recently been with Titus in Crete. Paul had not labored on that island before the first Roman imprisonment. His journeys in the east between the two imprisonments therefore involved something more than the revisitation of former fields. The reason why Titus was left behind in Crete was somewhat similar to the reason why Timothy, according to First Timothy, was told to remain in Ephesus. Titus was to give attention to organization, and to the maintenance of sound instruction.

Like Timothy, Titus is given the power of establishing presbyters, and of establishing them not merely in one church but in various churches. The function of the presbyter was that of "bishop" or "overseer." Titus 1:5-7. In vs. 9-16, the close connection of organization with sound doctrine becomes particularly apparent. One important function of the presbyters was to counteract the errors which were springing up. The account of the errorists in Crete is perhaps in some respects clearer than that which is given of the related phenomenon in Ephesus. The false teachers were animated by a love of gain. V. 11. Some of them were Jews or proselytes. V. 10. They had a fondness for Jewish fables. Apparently, also, they tried to atone for a lack of real inward purity by an outward asceticism. Vs. 15, 16. They were concerned with vain questionings and genealogies and legal disputes. These last are perhaps to be regarded as casuistic discussions like those which play such a large part in Jewish tradition.

The Epistle to Titus is somewhat richer than First Timothy in personal details. After Titus has been relieved in Crete by Artemas or Tychicus, who may soon be sent, he is to join Paul in Nicopolis. Tychicus, it will be remembered, had served as Paul's messenger during the first imprisonment. He was the bearer of Colossians and Ephesians. The Nicopolis where Paul is intending to pass the[142] approaching winter, is probably the chief of the many cities of that name, the Nicopolis in Epirus. Zenas, a lawyer otherwise unknown, and the well-known Apollos, who appears so prominently in The Acts and in First Corinthians, are to be furnished in Crete with everything that they need for their further journey.

3. THE SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY

The First Epistle to Timothy and the Epistle to Titus are in many respects strikingly similar. A certain strong family resemblance extends also to Second Timothy. Evidently all three of the Pastoral Epistles belong to the same general period of Paul's life, and were intended to subserve similar purposes. Second Timothy, however, as compared with the other two, exhibits some marked peculiarities.

The personal element, in particular, is in this letter much more prominent. Second Timothy contains a wealth of interesting biographical details about Timothy, about Paul, and about a very considerable number of other persons. Some of these last are known only from this epistle; others have been brought to our attention again and again.

In Second Timothy Paul appears as a prisoner, no doubt at Rome. This time there seems to be little hope of his release. Apparently his imprisonment is not of long standing. Only recently he has been at Corinth and at Miletus. II Tim. 4:20. He speaks in one place of his first defense. V. 16. Some suppose that this is a reminiscence of the trial which had taken place years before, during the first imprisonment. More probably it refers to some preliminary hearing which had only recently been held. Paul is oppressed with a sense of loneliness, even more than during the first imprisonment. There was no one to stand by him at his first hearing. For one reason or another, his intimate associates have been scattered—some of them, no doubt, for good and sufficient reasons, but Demas, at any rate, out of an unworthy love of the world. Luke, fortunately, is still with him; and Timothy, with Mark, is urged to come before the winter. Vs. 11, 21. Mark seems to have changed since he turned back from the work at Perga. At the beginning he was rebuked for desertion; but now at the end he is one of the few faithful ones.

It is not quite clear where Timothy was when the letter was addressed to him. The greeting to Priscilla and Aquila might seem to point to Ephesus. They had lived there before; perhaps[143] they returned thither after a residence in Rome. Rom. 16:3. If Timothy was in Ephesus, then Tychicus, who was sent thither, II Tim. 4:12, was probably expected to linger by the way; otherwise his sending would be no news to the reader of the letter. Something is to be said, perhaps, for the view that Timothy was not at Ephesus, but perhaps at Lystra, his original home.

The Second Epistle to Timothy contains warnings against false teaching similar to those which appear in First Timothy and Titus. But the characteristic feature of the letter is to be found in the references to the apostle's own life. Even the warnings and admonitions are brought into relation to these. Paul does not hesitate to point to himself as an example for his beloved followers. He does so, without a touch of vain glory, in the simple consciousness of a divine commission. Second Timothy is a letter of farewell, in which reminiscence and exhortation are characteristically blended. It is a farewell from the apostle, primarily for Timothy, though he is expecting to see Timothy again, but also for all of the Pauline churches. The letter has taken deep hold of every generation in the history of the Church. The fitting end of a life of true service, the calm facing of death, the certainty of heavenly communion with the Lord—these are the things above all others that have been learned from the last of the epistles of Paul.

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In the Library.—Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp. 252-261. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves, articles on "Timothy" and "Titus." M'Clymont, "The New Testament and Its Writers," pp. 104-115. Lewin, "The Life and Epistles of St. Paul," vol. ii, chs. vii, viii, ix, x and xi. Conybeare and Howson, "The Life and Epistles of St. Paul," ch. xxvii. Stalker, "The Life of St. Paul," pp. 133-136. Warfield, "Acts, Timothy, Titus and Philemon," in "The Temple Bible," pp. xxvii-xliii. Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary for English Readers," vol. iii, pp. 171-264: Spence, "The Pastoral Epistles of St. Paul." "The Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges": Humphreys, "The Epistles to Timothy and Titus." Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," vol. ii, pp. 1-133. The last named work is intended primarily for those who have some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by others.

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PART III:

The Presentation and Defense of
Christianity

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[147]

LESSON XXVII

A PRESENTATION OF JESUS TO JEWISH CHRISTIANS

The Gospel According to Matthew

The Gospel of Matthew is probably, as has been said, the most important book that was ever written. Its importance is due to the information which it contains about Jesus Christ. More fully perhaps than any other one book, the Gospel of Matthew has preserved the knowledge of Jesus.

Whatever be the future of the Church, the life of Jesus will now always remain the central fact of history. Even the secondary influence of Jesus is incalculable; even if none were left to own him as Lord and Master, still he would remain incomparably the most influential man that has ever lived. As a matter of fact, however, such a condition has never existed and never will exist. From the very beginning the life of Jesus made itself felt through those who accepted him, to the exclusion of all others, as the supreme Lord of their lives. If Jesus had been regarded merely as a quiet teacher of ethics, the Gospel of Matthew never would have been written, and probably the very name of Jesus would have perished. The wonderful influence of Jesus, which has transformed the world from darkness to light, which alone gives promise of a final reign of righteousness, has been exerted through the instrumentality, not of admirers, but of disciples. Jesus has been a Teacher only because he has been a Master.

To make Jesus Master in the lives of men was the purpose of the Gospel of Matthew, and it is the purpose of our study of the book. The Gospel was not written with merely scientific interest; it was not written merely to preserve certain gems from the lips of an inspired teacher. The ultimate purpose of the book was to make men fall at Jesus' feet with the words, "My Lord and my God." Such a purpose is not inconsistent with the most scrupulous truthfulness. Adoration of Jesus can be induced best of all, not by fanciful elaboration, but by sober fact. In the case of Jesus, truth was more glorious by far than the boldest fiction.

To make Jesus Lord and Saviour is the purpose of our work[148] as teachers. That purpose cannot be attained by exhortation or by threatening, but only by impartation of knowledge. To know Jesus is to trust him and adore him. Many readers of the Gospels never attain to the true knowledge. Their failure is due to various causes—to moral laxness, to preconceived opinions, to spiritual dullness. One obstacle, however, is of a simpler kind. One thing that stands in the way of a real understanding of the Gospels is the habit of piecemeal reading. We read the Gospels bit by bit instead of allowing the whole to make its impression. We do not see the wood for the trees. Jesus is concealed from us by his individual acts. The Gospels should be read as well as studied—read rapidly, like an ordinary book, preferably in some rational form of printing where verse numbers and all editorial matters are relegated to the margin and the lines stretch across the page. These things may seem to be trivialities, and certainly they are not essential. What is essential—not in place of detailed study, but in addition to it—is a rapid reading of the Gospels, by which, through the exclusion of all non-essentials, the mysterious, holy person of Jesus is brought simply and freshly before the wondering soul. Not to know about Jesus, but to know him, is the prime object of our study. To know about him is a valuable part of education; but to know him is life eternal.

1. MEANING OF "GOSPEL"

The Greek word for "gospel" means "good news." Nowhere in the New Testament, however, is that word applied to a book. There is no reference in the New Testament to a "Gospel" of Matthew or of Mark or of Luke or of John. In the New Testament the word "gospel" has a more general reference. It designates the "good news" which lies at the basis of Christian preaching, however that news may be known. Christianity is based upon "a piece of information." The subject of that information is the life and death and resurrection of Jesus Christ. Without Christ we should have been hopeless, but Christ has saved us. Information about what he has done for us, however that information be conveyed, is the gospel.

This broad use of the word "gospel" appears even in the titles "Gospel according to Matthew," "Gospel according to Mark," "Gospel according to Luke," and "Gospel according to John," which are not due to the original authors of the books. "Gospel according to Matthew" did not originally mean the same thing as[149] "Gospel of Matthew." It did not mean the Gospel which Matthew produced, but the one Gospel of Jesus Christ as Matthew narrated it. Matthew, Mark, Luke and John produced simply four accounts of the same thing. That common subject of the four accounts is the gospel, the good news, of what Jesus Christ has done for his followers.

At a very early time, however, books which had the gospel as their subject came themselves to be designated as "Gospels." The usage is convenient, and will be freely adopted in these textbooks. We may speak indiscriminately of the "Gospel according to Matthew" and of the "Gospel of Matthew."

2. AUTHORSHIP OF THE FIRST GOSPEL

(1) Not Indicated in the Gospel Itself.—The Gospel of Matthew should be sharply distinguished from those books which themselves make definite claims as to their authorship. The Epistle to the Romans, for example, claims to have been written by the apostle Paul. If it was not written by Paul, it is a forgery. The book of The Acts, also, though it does not mention the name of the author, claims at least—through the use of the first person plural—to have been written by some companion of the apostle Paul. Even the Gospel of John, as we shall see, really affords clear indications about its own authorship. The Gospel of Matthew, on the other hand, lays no claim to any particular authorship. We might believe that it was written by some other person than Matthew and yet be perfectly loyal to the book itself. The self-witness of the book is confined merely to a claim of truthfulness. If we believe that the record which the book contains is true, then we might, in perfect loyalty to the Gospel, believe that it was written by some one like Luke or Mark, outside of the company of the apostles. Such a view, however, would display an unreasonable distrust of Christian tradition.

(2) Papias on the First Gospel.—The earliest extant information about the authorship of the First Gospel is to be found in a fragment which Eusebius, the church historian of the fourth century, has preserved from a lost work of Papias. Papias was bishop of Hierapolis in Asia Minor in the former half of the second century.

The fragment from Papias, which is found in Eusebius, Church History, iii, 39, 16, may be translated as follows:

"Matthew accordingly wrote [or compiled] the oracles in the Hebrew dialect, and everyone translated them as he was able."

[150]

It seems pretty evident that Papias is here referring to the First Gospel. Some, indeed, have supposed that he means by "the oracles" a writing composed almost exclusively of sayings of Jesus, which formed merely one of the sources of our First Gospel. This view is probably incorrect. Papias could designate the Gospel of Matthew as "the oracles" either because of the large place which sayings of Jesus have in this Gospel, as compared, for example, with the Gospel of Mark, or else because the whole Gospel, both speeches and narrative, was of divine, oracular authority. The view that "according to Matthew" in the ancient title and in Christian tradition means not that Matthew wrote the book, but that it is based in some way ultimately on his authority, is opposed by the analogy of Mark. As we shall see, the Gospel of Mark, in early tradition, was referred ultimately to the authority of Peter; if, therefore, "according to" was used in the sense indicated above, the Second Gospel would have been called the Gospel "according to Peter" instead of the Gospel "according to Mark."

The testimony of Papias involves two principal assertions: in the first place, that Matthew wrote the First Gospel; and in the second place, that he wrote it in the "Hebrew" language.

The former assertion, which is supported by a striking consensus of early writers, has already been considered. The latter is much more puzzling.

3. WAS THE FIRST GOSPEL ORIGINALLY ARAMAIC?

(1) Meaning of "Hebrew."—By "the Hebrew dialect," Papias no doubt means Aramaic rather than what we call Hebrew. The term "Hebrew" was applied to both of the two closely related languages. Compare Acts 21:40. It is exceedingly unlikely that a Gospel would have been written in Hebrew; for before the time of Christ that had ceased to be the living language of Palestine. What Papias asserts, then, is that Matthew wrote in Aramaic.

(2) "Everyone Translated Them as He Was Able."—Papias asserts further that everyone translated the oracles as he was able. These words may be interpreted in various ways. Perhaps they mean that every man who used the original of Matthew had to translate it for himself; or perhaps that the Gospel was translated orally in the churches, as the Jews translated the Hebrew Old Testament into Aramaic in the synagogues; or perhaps that a number of written translations of the Gospel were made. At any rate Papias seems to imply that the condition which he here describes had come[151] to an end when he wrote. Some one Greek form of the Gospel had gained general acceptance; the time when everyone translated as he was able was at an end.

(3) Value of the Tradition.—The tradition of an Aramaic original of Matthew is not preserved merely by Papias, but appears in a considerable number of early writers. How far the other writers are independent of Papias is a disputed question. The tradition may be variously estimated. Some have supposed that it is entirely correct—that our Greek Gospel of Matthew is a translation, by Matthew himself or by some one else, of an Aramaic work: others have supposed that the tradition is altogether false—for example, that an Aramaic translation of the Greek Gospel was mistaken for an original from which the Greek Gospel had been translated: others hold intermediate views—for example, that one of the sources of our Greek Gospel was written in Aramaic. An important objection to the view that there was an Aramaic original of Matthew is that the Greek Gospel looks more like an original Greek work than like a translation. The tradition of the Aramaic Matthew places before us one of the unsolved problems of New Testament criticism.

One thing is certain—the language of the Gospel of Matthew, like that of the other Gospels, has a strong Aramaic coloring. This, however, does not require the hypothesis that our Matthew was translated from an Aramaic original. Undoubtedly, however our Greek Matthew was written, there was a time in the early days of the Church when the tradition of the life of Christ was carried on chiefly or wholly in the Aramaic language. The words of Jesus, at any rate, as they appear in our Gospels, have at some time or other undergone translation; for Jesus taught in Aramaic. The Aramaic coloring of the Gospels is one of the evidences of their trustworthiness. Though written in Greek, they are evidently rooted deep in the original Palestinian soil.

4. DATE

The date of the Gospel cannot be determined with accuracy. Some indication, however, is afforded by the assertion of Irenæus, of the latter part of the second century, that Matthew published his Gospel while Peter and Paul were preaching at Rome. Even if this assertion should prove not to be absolutely correct, it would exhibit an early tradition for the years between about A. D. 60 and 70 as the date of the Gospel. This tradition is confirmed by the widespread view among early writers that Matthew was written before Mark; for Mark is now generally admitted to have been written[152] before the destruction of Jerusalem in A. D. 70. There is really no serious objection to the traditional dating of Matthew. It was probably written in the sixties of the first century, and probably, as tradition says, in Palestine.

There are traces of the use of the Gospel in writers of the early half of the second century. On the other hand, there is no clear indication that it was used by any New Testament writer. The absence of citations from our Gospels in the epistles of Paul would tend to indicate that in the very earliest period the gospel tradition was carried on by word of mouth rather than by books.

5. THE APOSTLE MATTHEW

In the four lists of the apostles, Matt. 10:2-4; Mark 3:16-19; Luke 6:13-16; Acts 1:13, Matthew is designated by the bare name, except in his own Gospel, where he appears as "Matthew the publican." In Matt. 9:9, his call is narrated. In the parallel passages in Mark and Luke, Mark 2:14; Luke 5:27,28, the name of the publican who was called is given only as "Levi." Without the Gospel of Matthew we should not have been able to identify Levi and Matthew. Evidently the apostle had two names, as was the case with so many others of the persons mentioned in the New Testament. After his call, Matthew made a great feast for Jesus. Luke 5:29; compare Mark 2:15. Matthew himself, alone among the Synoptists, does not even make it perfectly clear that it was he in whose house Jesus sat at meat. The peculiarities of the First Gospel in what is said about Matthew become significant when the authorship is known. Of course of themselves they would be quite insufficient to indicate who the author was. The assertion by early writers that Matthew wrote the Gospel, was based not upon indications in the Gospel itself, but upon independent tradition.

6. "THE BOOK OF THE GENERATION OF JESUS CHRIST"

The first verse of the Gospel is evidently based upon the formula, occurring for the first time at Gen. 5:1, which marks off the divisions of the book of Genesis. It is most naturally regarded as a heading for the genealogy that follows in Matt. 1:2-17. There is only one objection to that view. In Genesis "the book of the generations of Adam," or "the generations of Shem" or the like, introduces an account, not of ancestors of the persons in question, but of their descendants. In Matt. 1:2-17, on the contrary, we have an account not of descendants of Jesus, but of ancestors. This objection has led[153] some scholars to regard Matt. 1:1 as the title not of the genealogy but of the whole Gospel. The title would then represent Jesus as the beginning of a new race, or of a new period in the history of humanity.

This interpretation is unnecessarily subtle. It should rather be admitted that there is a difference between the phrase in Genesis and that in Matthew. The difference is very natural. In the case of Abraham the descendants were in view; in the case of the Messiah, the ancestors. Adam and Noah and Abraham were bearers of a promise; Christ was the culmination. Genesis looks forward; Matthew looks back. The difference in the use of the phrase is natural and significant.

The title, with the whole genealogy, is significant of what is to follow. At the very start, the ruling thought of Matthew's Gospel finds expression‎. Jesus is son of David, and son of Abraham; he is the culmination of the divine promise.

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In the Library.—Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp. 270-272, 290-293. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves (supplemented), articles on "Gospel" and "Matthew." M'Clymont, "The New Testament and Its Writers," pp. 1-20. Stevens and Burton, "A Harmony of the Gospels." Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary for English Readers," vol. i: Plumptre, "The Gospel According to St. Matthew, St. Mark, and St. Luke," pp. xli-xliii, 1-186. Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," vol. ii, pp. 367-427, 506-601. The last-named work is intended primarily for those who have some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by others.

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[154]

LESSON XXVIII

A GRAPHIC SKETCH OF THE LIFE OF JESUS

The Gospel According to Mark

The Gospel of Mark contains scarcely any material which is not also contained in one or both of the other two Synoptic Gospels. The loss of Mark would not diminish appreciably the number of facts that we know about Jesus. Nevertheless, the Second Gospel is of the utmost importance; for although it narrates for the most part only the same facts as are also narrated elsewhere, it narrates them in a different way. Indeed the very brevity of the Gospel adds to its special value. A picture is sometimes the more impressive by being limited in extent. Read the Gospel of Mark, not piecemeal but as a whole, and you obtain an impression of Jesus which can be obtained from no other book.

1. THE TRADITION

(1) Papias on Mark.—As in the case of Matthew, so in that of Mark it is Papias of Hierapolis who provides the earliest information about the production of the Gospel. Again also the words of Papias are quoted by Eusebius (Church History, iii, 39, 15). The passage from Papias is as follows:

"This also the presbyter said: 'Mark, on the one hand, being an interpreter of Peter, wrote accurately as many things as he remembered, yet not in order, the things which were either said or done by the Lord.' For neither did he hear the Lord nor did he follow him, but afterwards, as I said, he followed Peter, who carried on his teaching as need required but not as though he were making an ordered account of the oracles of the Lord; so that Mark committed no fault when he wrote some things as he had remembered them. For he had one care—that he should not leave out anything of the things that he had heard, or represent anything among them falsely."

(2) Antiquity of the Papian Tradition.—It will be observed that Papias is here represented as quoting from "the presbyter." Probably, however, it is only the first sentence that is quoted; the rest seems to be an explanation by Papias himself. By "presbyter,"[155] or "elder," Papias means not an officer in the Church, but a man of an older generation. The tradition is therefore very ancient. Papias himself lived in the former half of the second century; a man of a still older generation would probably have acquired his information about Mark well before A. D. 100. Such information is not to be lightly rejected.

(3) Mark an Interpreter of Peter.—According to the presbyter, Mark was an "interpreter" of Peter. If the word be taken strictly it means that Mark translated the words of Peter from one language into another—probably from Aramaic into Greek. On the whole, however, it is not probable, in view of linguistic conditions in Palestine and in the Church, that Peter would be unable to speak Greek. Perhaps, then, the sentence means that Mark was merely the mediator, in a general sense, of Peter's preaching. He presented the teaching of Peter to those who had not had the opportunity of hearing it themselves. Perhaps the meaning is that he had done so formerly by word of mouth. Perhaps, however, it is rather the Gospel itself that is referred to. By writing the Gospel Mark became an interpreter or mediator of the preaching of Peter.

At any rate, whatever meaning be given to the word "interpreter," the general sense of the sentence—especially when taken in connection with the following explanation by Papias is fairly clear. Mark derived the information for his Gospel not from personal acquaintance with the earthly Jesus, but from association with Peter.

(4) Mark Not Written "In Order."—The presbyter said further that although Mark wrote accurately what he heard from Peter, he did not succeed in giving "in order" an account of the things that Jesus did and said. Evidently the historical incompleteness, the lack of uninterrupted sequence, of the Gospel of Mark is here in view.

But by what standard is the Gospel judged? It can hardly be by the standard of Matthew, for Matthew pays even less attention to temporal sequence than Mark does. The order in Luke also is by no means in all respects more strictly chronological than that in Mark. Only one standard satisfies the requirements of the presbyter's words—the standard provided by the teaching of John. John was the great leader of the Church of Asia Minor. His teaching naturally formed the standard of authority in that region. Perhaps at the time when the presbyter expressed his judgment on Mark the Gospel of John had already been written, so that one Gospel could be compared with the other; perhaps, however, it was merely the[156] oral teaching of John, afterwards embodied in the Gospel, which afforded the basis of comparison. The Gospel of John alone provides something like a chronological framework of the public ministry of Jesus: John alone mentions the early Judean ministry; John alone narrates the successive visits of Jesus to the feasts in Jerusalem. If, as is possible, "the presbyter" of Papias was none other than John himself, then of course the whole matter becomes especially plain. John knew that there were important omissions in the Gospel of Mark; he probably observed, for example, that that Gospel if taken alone might readily create the impression that the ministry of Jesus lasted only one year instead of three or four. No doubt he corrected this impression in his oral teaching; certainly he corrects it in his Gospel. In commending the Gospel of Mark, John would naturally call attention to its chronological incompleteness.

2. THE HEADING

Like the Gospel of Matthew, the Gospel of Mark opens not with a sentence, but with a heading. As in the former case, however, the exact reference of the heading is uncertain. "The beginning of the gospel of Jesus Christ" may, in the first place, mean merely, "Here begins the gospel of Jesus Christ." "The gospel of Jesus Christ" would then be simply the story about Christ that is narrated in the book that follows.

In the second place, the phrase may be taken as a description of the contents of the book. The whole of Jesus' life would then be described as the beginning of that proclamation of the gospel which was afterwards continued by the apostles and by the Church.

In the third place, the phrase may be merely a heading for the section that immediately follows, for Mark 1:2-8, or for vs. 2-13. In this case the preaching of John the Baptist, with or without the baptism of Jesus, the descent of the Spirit, and the temptation, would be described as the beginning of, as preliminary to, the proclamation of the gospel, which is mentioned in vs. 14, 15.

Perhaps the first interpretation is to be preferred as being the simplest, though it must be admitted that the phrase is a little puzzling.

3. MARK THE MISSIONARY GOSPEL

It is significant that the Gospel of Mark begins not with the birth and infancy of Jesus, but with the ministry of John the Baptist and the subsequent preaching of Jesus in Galilee. Mark[157] seems to be following with great exactness the scheme of early apostolic preaching as it is laid down in Acts 10:37-43. Apparently Mark is preëminently the missionary Gospel; it contains only those things which had a place in the first preaching to unbelievers. That does not mean that the things which Mark omits are necessarily less important than the things which it contains. Mark gives a summary, not exactly of the most important things about Jesus, but rather of the things which unbelievers or recent converts could most easily understand. Hence the omission of the mystery of the birth, of the profound teaching of the early Judean ministry, of the intimate instructions to the disciples. These things are of fundamental importance. But they can best be understood only after one has first acquired a thorough grasp of the public ministry, and of the death and resurrection.

The Second Gospel, judged by purely formal standards, cannot be called exactly a beautiful book. It lacks the rhythm of Old Testament poetry, and the grace of the Gospel of Luke. But its rough, vigorous naturalness conveys a message of compelling power.

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In the Library.—Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves (edited) article on "Mark." M'Clymont, "The New Testament and Its Writers," pp. 21-26. Stevens and Burton, "A Harmony of the Gospels." Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary for English Readers," vol. i: Plumptre, "The Gospel according to St. Matthew, St. Mark, and St. Luke," pp. 187-234. "The Cambridge Bible for Schools": Maclear, "The Gospel according to St. Mark." Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," vol. ii, pp. 427-506, 601-617. The last-named work is intended primarily for those who have some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by others.

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[158]

LESSON XXIX

A GREEK HISTORIAN'S ACCOUNT OF JESUS

The Gospel According to Luke

The purpose of the Gospel of Luke was, the author says in his prologue, that Theophilus might know the certainty concerning the things wherein he had been instructed. These words involve recognition of a fundamental need of the Church, which is to-day often ignored. After interest in Christianity has been aroused, after faith has been awakened, the Christian feels the need of a deeper intellectual grounding of the faith that is in him. This feeling is perfectly legitimate; it should not be stifled; the expression‎ of it should not be treated necessarily as sinful doubt.

The treatment of these natural questionings is one of the most important problems that faces the teachers of the present course. We are dealing with young men and women of maturing minds, many of whom can no longer be satisfied with the unthinking faith of childhood. If Christianity is to remain permanently a force in their lives it must be related to their entire intellectual equipment; it must be exhibited as a reasonable thing, which is consistent with a sane and healthy view of the world. In other words, we are dealing with the problem of religious doubt, which is almost an inevitable stage in the development of intelligent Christians of the present day.

Undoubtedly the problem is often very unwisely handled. By hearing every natural expression‎ of their doubt unmercifully decried as rebellion against the Word of God, many intelligent young people are being driven into hopeless estrangement from the Church. It is useless to try to bully people into faith. Instead, we ought to learn the method of the Third Gospel.

Very possibly Luke was facing the very same problem that is before us teachers to-day—very possibly Theophilus, to whom the Gospel and The Acts were dedicated, was a young man who had grown up in the Church and could now no longer be satisfied with the vague and unsystematic instruction that had been given him in childhood. At any rate, whether he was a young man grown up[159] in the Church, or a recent convert, or merely a Gentile interested in Christianity, he was a person of intellectual interests, and those interests are treated by the evangelist not with contempt but with the utmost sympathy. The Gospel was written in order that Theophilus might "know the certainty" of those things wherein he had been instructed.

That might be regarded as the motto for the entire course of study which we have undertaken this year. It should be our aim to lay before young people of the Church the certainty of the things wherein they have been instructed—to enable them to substitute for the unreasoning faith of childhood the profound convictions of full-grown men and women. Moreover, exactly like the author of the Third Gospel, we are endeavoring to accomplish this aim, not by argument, but by an orderly presentation of "those matters which have been fulfilled among us." A simple historical presentation of the facts upon which Christianity is founded is the surest safeguard of Christian faith.

1. THE PROLOGUE

Alone among the Synoptists Luke gives his readers some direct information about the methods of his work. Luke 1:1-4; Acts 1:1,2. This information, which was barely touched upon in the Student's Text Book, must here be considered somewhat more in detail.

(1) Luke Not an Eyewitness from the Beginning.—From the prologue to the Gospel, Luke 1:1-4, it appears, in the first place, that Luke was not an eyewitness of the events that he narrates—at least he was not an eyewitness "from the beginning."

(2) His Predecessors.—In the second place, it appears that he had had predecessors in his task of writing an account of early Christian history. Apparently, however, none of these previous works were produced by an apostle or by an eyewitness of the earthly ministry of Jesus. The previous writers, like Luke himself, were dependent upon the testimony of the eyewitnesses. The Gospel of Matthew, therefore, since it was written by an apostle, was not one of the works to which reference is made. This conclusion is amply confirmed by a comparison of Matthew with Luke. Evidently, at least, the two are entirely independent. If Luke refers to the First Gospel in the prologue, at any rate he made no use of it.

(3) Was Mark One of the Predecessors?—The Gospel of Mark, on the contrary, answers to the description of the previous works. It was written not by an eyewitness, but by one who listened to eyewitnesses.[160] Perhaps, therefore, it was one of the many works to which Luke refers. If so, it may well have been used by Luke in the preparation of his own Gospel. This supposition is by no means excluded by a comparison of the two books. As a matter of fact, the great majority of modern scholars suppose that the writer of the Third Gospel made use of the Gospel of Mark. All that can here be asserted is that this view, though not required by what Luke says in his prologue, is perfectly consistent with it.

(4) Luke's Attitude Toward the Predecessors.—It should be observed that Luke attaches no blame whatever to the efforts of his forerunners. When he says that they had "taken in hand" or "attempted" to write accounts of certain things, he does not imply in the slightest that their attempts had been unsuccessful. He means simply to justify his own procedure by a reference to what had already been done. "My effort at writing an account of the origin of Christianity," he says in effect, "is no strange, unheard-of thing. I have had many predecessors." Such a reference to the work of predecessors was in antiquity a common literary form. At the very beginning of his work, Luke displays the effects of his Greek literary training.

Of course, however, although Luke attaches no blame to his predecessors, he would not have undertaken a new work if he had thought that the old satisfied all needs. Evidently he hoped to accomplish by his own book something that his predecessors had not accomplished or had accomplished only in part.

(5) The Subject of the Gospel.—Finally, therefore, Luke informs his readers what his own peculiar methods and purposes were. The main subject of the Gospel is not described with any definiteness in Luke 1:1-4, but it appears in the retrospect at the beginning of the second work. There the subject of the Gospel is designated as "all that Jesus began both to do and to teach, until the day in which he was received up, after that he had given commandment through the Holy Spirit unto the apostles whom he had chosen." Acts 1:1,2. The subject of the Gospel, in other words, was the earthly life of Jesus.

(6) Completeness of the Narrative.—In treating this subject, Luke had striven, he says, Luke 1:3, first of all for completeness. In his investigations he had followed all things from the beginning. This feature appears plainly in the Gospel. Instead of beginning as Mark does, with the public ministry of Jesus, Luke first gives an account of the birth and infancy, and not content with that, he[161] goes back even to events preceding the birth not only of Jesus, but also of his forerunner.

(7) Accuracy.—In the second place, Luke says that he had striven after accuracy. Here again the Gospel justifies the claim of its author. The effort after precision may be seen perhaps especially in such a passage as Luke 3:1,2, where there is an elaborate dating of the beginning of John the Baptist's ministry.

(8) Orderly Arrangement.—The effort at orderly arrangement, which forms a third part of the claim which the author makes, was, especially in the Gospel, limited by the material that was at hand. Evidently in Palestine in the early period, the memory of the earthly ministry of Jesus was preserved not in a connected narrative, but in isolated anecdotes. It was impossible, therefore, even for a historian like Luke to maintain a chronological arrangement throughout; where chronological arrangement was impossible he was obliged to be satisfied with an arrangement according to logical affinities. This logical method of arrangement, however, is not resorted to by Luke so much as by Matthew; and for considerable sections of his narrative he was able to gratify his historian's desire for recounting events in the order in which they happened.

(9) Luke a Historian.—Detailed examination of the prologue should not be allowed to obscure the outstanding fact that the sum of what Luke here attests is a genuine historical aim and method in the composition of his work. Of course, history in Luke's mind did not exist for its own sake. The Gospel of Luke is not a mere scientific dissertation. On the contrary, the history which is narrated was to the author a thing of supreme value. But it was valuable only because it was true. There is not the slightest evidence that Luke was a bad historian because he was a good Christian. On the contrary, he was a Christian just because he was a historian. In the case of Jesus, knowledge of the real facts is the surest way to adoration.

(10) Is Luke 1:1-4 a Prologue to both the Gospel and The Acts?—The first four verses of the Gospel of Luke may be taken as a prologue either to the Gospel alone or else to the entire work, including both the Gospel and The Acts. The latter view, since the subject is described in v. 1 only in very broad terms, is not to be rashly rejected. No doubt, however, in the prologue Luke was thinking especially of the former part of the work—the part for which he was dependent altogether upon the testimony of others. The first verses of The Acts link the two parts close together.[162] Their connection has been obscured by the traditional arrangement of our New Testament books. But that arrangement is altogether advisable. The former part of the Lucan work certainly belongs among the Gospels; and of the Gospels the Gospel of John must certainly be placed last, as being supplementary to the others.

2. TYPICAL PASSAGES

The characteristics of the Gospel of Luke may perhaps be presented more vividly than by the general description in the Student's Text Book, by an examination of a few typical passages. The two such passages which we shall choose somewhat at random, are the narrative of the birth and infancy in Luke 1:5 to 2:52, and the parable of the Prodigal Son. Ch. 15:11-32. Both of these are without any parallel in the other Gospels. Matthew provides an infancy narrative, but it is concerned for the most part with events different from those that appear in Luke.

(1) The Narrative of the Birth and Infancy.—It has often been observed that the characteristic Greek sentence of the prologue, Luke 1:1-4, is immediately followed by the most strongly Hebraistic passage in the New Testament. The Semitic style of Luke 1:5 to 2:52 becomes explicable only if Luke was here making use of Palestinian sources, either oral or written. This conclusion is confirmed by the whole spirit and substance of the narrative. In this narrative as clearly as anywhere else in the New Testament we find ourselves transplanted to Palestinian soil.

The early date of the narrative is as evident as its Jewish Christian and Palestinian character. There is here no reference to concrete events in the later history of the Church. Messianic prophecy appears in its Old Testament form uncolored by the details of the fulfillment. Evidently this narrative is no product of the Church's fancy, but genuine history told in the very forms of speech which were natural to those who participated in it.

The first two chapters of Luke are in spirit really a bit of the Old Testament continued to the very threshold of the New. These chapters contain the poetry of the New Testament, which has taken deep hold of the heart and fancy of the Church.

In this section of his Gospel, Luke shows himself to be a genuine historian. A biographer is not satisfied with narrating the public life of his hero, but prefaces to his work some account of the family, and of the birth and childhood. So our understanding of the ministry of Jesus becomes far deeper when we know that he grew[163] up among the simple, devout folk who are described in the first two chapters of Luke. The picture of Mary in these chapters, painted with an exquisite delicacy of touch, throws a flood of light upon the earthly life of the Son of Man.

Beauty of detail, however, must not be allowed to obscure the central fact. The culmination of the narrative, undoubtedly, is to be found in the stupendous mystery of Luke 1:34,35. Far from being an excrescence in the narrative, as it has sometimes been represented in an age of rampant naturalism, the supernatural conception of Jesus is the very keystone of the arch. In this central fact, Matthew and Luke, totally independent as they are, are perfectly agreed. By this fact Jesus is represented, more clearly perhaps than by anything else, as not a product of the world but a Saviour come from without.

(2) The Prodigal Son.—The parable of the Prodigal Son, simple though it is, has often been sadly misinterpreted. It has been thought to mean, for example, that God pardons sin on the basis simply of human repentance without the necessity of the divine sacrifice. All such interpretations are wide of the mark. The parable is not meant to teach how God pardons sin, but only the fact that he does pardon it with joy, and that we ought to share in his joy.

Misinterpretation of the parable has come from the ignoring of its occasion. The key to the interpretation is given in Luke 15:1,2. Jesus was receiving publicans and sinners. Instead of rejoicing at the salvation of these poor, degraded sons of Abraham, the Pharisees murmured. In rebuke, Jesus spoke three parables. One of them, the parable of the Lost Sheep, is reported also by Matthew, ch. 18:12-14; but the last two, the parables of the Lost Coin and of the Prodigal Son, appear only in Luke.

The teaching of all three of these parables is exactly the same. The imagery varies, but the application is constant. That application may be expressed very simply: "God rejoices at the salvation of a sinner; if, therefore, you are really sons of God, you will rejoice too." In the parable of the Prodigal Son, however, the application is forced home more poignantly than in either of the other two. In that parable alone among the three, the Pharisees could see—in the elder brother—a direct representation of themselves.

The incident of the elder brother, sometimes regarded as a mere detail, really introduces the main point of the parable. Everything[164] else leads up to that. The wonderful description of the joy of the father at the prodigal's home-coming is all intended as a contrast to the churlish jealousy of the brother. The elder brother was as far as possible from sharing in the father's joy. That showed that he was no true son. Though he lived under the father's roof, he had no real inward share in the father's life. So it was with the Pharisees. They lived in the Father's house; they were, as we should say, members of the Church. But when salvation, in the person of Jesus, had at last come to the poor, sinful outcasts of the people, the Pharisees drew aside. God rejoiced when the publicans crowded in to Jesus; but the Pharisees held back. That showed that after all they were not, as they thought, true sons of God. If they had been, they would have shared God's feeling.

It should be noticed that the parable ends with an invitation. The elder brother is not harshly rebuked by the father, but tenderly urged to come in still. Will the invitation be accepted? The question is not answered; and there lies the crowning beauty of the parable. The Pharisees are still given a chance. Will they still share the joy of God at the return of his lost children? They must answer the question for themselves.

And we, too, have the same question to answer. If we are really children of God, then we shall not despise the outcasts and the sinners, but shall rejoice with him at their salvation. The parable is characteristic of the Gospel of Luke. Of course, Luke did not compose it. Nothing in the Gospels bears more indisputably the marks of Jesus' teaching. But from the rich store of Palestinian tradition Luke sought out those things which displayed sympathy for the downtrodden and the sick and the sinful. It was an inestimable service to the Church. Shall we heed the message? God rejoices at the salvation of a sinner. Shall we be sharers in his holy joy?

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In the Library.—Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves (edited), article on "Luke." M'Clymont, "The New Testament and Its Writers," pp. 27-32. Stevens and Burton, "A Harmony of the Gospels." Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary for English Readers," vol. i: Plumptre, "The Gospel According to St. Matthew, St. Mark, and St. Luke," pp. 235-365. Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," vol. iii, pp. 1-173. The last-named work is intended primarily for those who have some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by others.

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[165]

LESSON XXX

THE TESTIMONY OF THE BELOVED DISCIPLE

The Gospel According to John

1. THE EVANGELIST A WITNESS

The author of the Fourth Gospel was a great man. He was great, however, not as a philosopher or as a religious genius, but as an apostle; not as the originator of great ideas, but as one who received the teaching of another. He was great, not as one who created a profound theology, but as one who could understand the Lord Jesus Christ. The "Johannine theology" is the theology not of John but of Jesus. So at least John himself represents it. He claims to be not a theologian, but a witness. The value of his book depends upon the truth of his witnessing. If the Johannine picture of Christ is the creation of the author's genius, it commands admiration; but only if it is a true picture of the historic Jesus can it offer eternal life.

Is the Jesus of the Fourth Gospel fiction or fact, a splendid product of religious genius or a living Saviour?

Few questions have caused profounder agitation in the modern Church. The question cannot be separated from the question of authorship. Clearly if the book was written by an intimate friend of Jesus, its witness must be true. Who wrote the Fourth Gospel? This question is of vital importance.

2. THE TRADITION

At the close of the second century—the earliest period from which any really abundant Christian literature outside of the New Testament has been preserved—the tradition about the authorship of the Gospel was practically unanimous. Even the one small and uninfluential sect that disagreed practically supports the common view, for its denial was evidently based upon objections to the contents of the Gospel and not at all upon any independent information.

(1) Irenæus and Polycarp.—Of the three important writers of the close of the second century, all of whom attest the Johannine authorship of the Gospel, Irenæus deserves special mention. Irenæus spent his early life in Asia Minor, but afterwards became[166] the leader of the Church in Gaul. Before he left Asia Minor he had some very interesting associations. One of them was with Polycarp, bishop of Smyrna, who was martyred in A. D. 155. Polycarp would be an important figure merely on account of the early period in which he lived; but what makes his testimony supremely valuable is his personal association with John. Irenæus himself in his early youth, before he had left Asia Minor, had heard Polycarp discoursing about the things he had heard John say. Polycarp, then, was a personal disciple of John, and Irenæus was a personal disciple of Polycarp. Only one link, therefore, separated Irenæus from John. Moreover, since Irenæus in his youth had lived in Asia Minor, the very place of John's residence, it is natural to believe that what he heard Polycarp say about John could be supplemented in other ways.

Now beyond any reasonable doubt whatever, Irenæus supposed that the John of whom he had heard Polycarp speak was none other than John the apostle, the son of Zebedee. If that supposition was correct, then the connection between Irenæus and the apostle John was exceedingly close; and when Irenæus exhibits an absolutely unwavering belief that the Fourth Gospel was written by the apostle, it is very unlikely that he was mistaken. He had known one of the personal disciples of John; he himself had lived in Asia Minor where John had been the well-known leader of the Church, and where the Fourth Gospel, no matter who wrote it, was almost certainly produced. When, therefore, he asserts, not as something new, but as a thing which he had known from the beginning, that the Fourth Gospel was written by the apostle John, surely he must be believed.

This conclusion has been avoided by the hypothesis that the John about whom Polycarp spoke was not really, as Irenæus supposed, John the son of Zebedee, but another John, a certain John the presbyter, who was not one of the twelve apostles at all. The unnaturalness of such an hypothesis appears on the surface. Could a native of Asia Minor who had repeatedly heard Polycarp speak about the John in question, and who had many other opportunities for acquainting himself with the traditions of the church in Asia Minor—could such a man, together with all his contemporaries, have come to labor under so egregious a misapprehension?

(2) Other Attestation.—The testimony of Irenæus to the Fourth Gospel is of particular importance, on account of Irenæus' connection with Polycarp. But it is only one detail in a remarkable consensus. When the most widely separated portions of the Church before the close of the second century all agreed that the[167] Fourth Gospel was written by John the son of Zebedee, their common belief could not have been of recent origin. Earlier writers, moreover, by their use of the Gospel attest at least its early date.

3. THE TESTIMONY OF THE GOSPEL ITSELF

The tradition which attributes the Fourth Gospel to John the son of Zebedee is confirmed by the testimony of the Gospel itself. Although the book does not mention the name of its author it clearly implies who he was.

(1) Indirectness of the Testimony.—This testimony of the Gospel itself is all the more valuable because it is indirect. If the name John had been mentioned at the beginning, then it might conceivably be supposed that an unknown author had desired to gain a hearing for his work by putting it falsely under the name of a great apostle. As it is, the inference that the author claims to be John the son of Zebedee, though certain, does not force itself upon the careless reader. A forger would not thus, by the indirectness of his claim, have deprived himself of the benefits of his forgery.

The testimony of the Gospel to its author must now be considered.

(2) The Author an Eyewitness.—In the first place, almost at the very beginning, we observe that the author claims to be an eyewitness of the life of Jesus. "We beheld his glory," he says in John 1:14. By beholding the glory of Christ he evidently does not mean merely that experience of Christ's power which is possessed by every Christian. On the contrary, the glory of Christ, as it is intended by the evangelist, is fully explained by such passages as ch. 2:11. The miracles of Jesus—palpable, visible events in the external world—are clearly included in what is meant. It will be observed that in ch. 1:14 it is very specifically the incarnate Christ that is spoken of. The evangelist is describing the condition of things after "the Word became flesh." Evidently, therefore, it was the earthly life of Jesus which the evangelist claims to have "beheld."

This conclusion is confirmed by I John 1:1-4. Scarcely anyone doubts that the First Epistle of John was written by the man who wrote the Gospel. When, therefore, the author of the epistle speaks of "that which we have heard, that which we have seen with our eyes, that which we beheld, and our hands handled, concerning the Word of life," evidently these words have significance for the Gospel also. The author fairly heaps up expressions to show, beyond all possibility of misunderstanding, that he had come into actual physical contact with the earthly Jesus.

[168]

(3) The Unnamed Disciple of John 1:35-42.—The author of the Fourth Gospel, then, clearly claims to be an eyewitness of the earthly life of Christ. Further indications identify him with a particular one among the eyewitnesses. In John 1:35-42, an unnamed disciple of Jesus is mentioned. "One of the two," it is said in v. 40, "that heard John speak, and followed him, was Andrew, Simon Peter's brother." Who was the other? There is some reason for thinking that he was one of the two sons of Zebedee. But the matter will become clearer as we proceed.

Another question is why this disciple is not mentioned by name. The Fourth Gospel is not chary of names. Why, then, is the disciple who appears so prominently along with Andrew and Simon not mentioned by name? Only one plausible explanation suggests itself—the explanation that the unnamed disciple was the author of the Gospel, who, through a feeling common in the literature of antiquity, as well as of our own time, did not like to mention his own name in the course of his narrative. We have already observed that the author claims to be an eyewitness of the life of Christ. John 1:14. When, therefore, near the beginning of the narrative a disciple of Jesus is introduced, rather mysteriously, without a name, when, furthermore, events in which this disciple was immediately concerned are narrated with unusual vividness and wealth of detail, vs. 35-42, the conclusion becomes very natural that this unnamed disciple is none other than the author himself.

(4) The Beloved Disciple.—This conclusion, it must be admitted, so far as this first passage is concerned, is nothing more than a likely guess. But by other passages it is rendered almost certain.

In John 13:21-25, a disciple is mentioned as leaning on Jesus' breast and as being one whom Jesus loved. This disciple is not named. But who was he? Evidently he was one of the twelve apostles, for only the apostles were present at the Supper which is described in chs. 13 to 17. The disciple "whom Jesus loved," however, was not only among the Twelve; he was evidently among the innermost circle of the Twelve. Such an innermost circle appears clearly in the Synoptic Gospels. It was composed of Peter and James and John. The beloved disciple was probably one of these three; and since he is clearly distinguished from Peter, ch. 13:24, he was either James or John.

The introduction of an unnamed disciple, which seemed significant even in John 1:35-42, becomes yet far more significant in the present passage. In the account of the Last Supper, a considerable[169] number of the disciples are named—Peter, Judas Iscariot, Thomas, Philip, Judas not Iscariot—yet the disciple who is introduced with especial emphasis, whose very position at table is described with a wealth of detail far greater than is displayed in the case of any of the others, is designated merely as "one of his disciples, whom Jesus loved." The strange omission of this disciple's name can be explained only if he was the author of the book. Clearly the painter has here introduced a modest portrait of himself in the midst of his great picture.

Passing by John 18:15,16, where "the other disciple" is probably the author, and ch. 19:26,27, where the repetition of the strange designation, "the disciple ... whom he [Jesus] loved," confirm‎s the impressions derived from ch. 13:21-25, we discover another important indication in ch. 19:35. "And he that hath seen hath borne witness, and his witness is true: and he knoweth that he saith true, that ye also may believe." "He that hath seen" can scarcely refer to anyone other than the beloved disciple who was mentioned just before as standing by the cross. In the present verse, this beloved disciple is represented as the one who is now speaking. The identification of the beloved disciple with the author of the Gospel, which was implied before, here becomes explicit.

In John 20:1-10, "the other disciple whom Jesus loved" is of course the same as the one who appears in ch. 13:21-25; 19:26,27,35.

(5) Testimony of the Appendix.—In John 21:7,20-23, the beloved disciple appears again, and in v. 24 he is identified, in so many words, with the writer of the Gospel. In this verse the first person plural is used; other persons seem to be associated with the author in commending the Gospel to the attention of the Church. This phenomenon is explained if the twenty-first chapter be regarded as a sort of appendix, perhaps added at the request of a circle of friends. It will be observed that ch. 20:30,31 forms a fit ending to the book; what follows therefore appears the more like an appendix, though it was certainly written by the author's own hand and published before his death along with the rest of the book.

(6) Why Are John and James Not Mentioned by Name?—The conclusion of our investigation is that the author of the Fourth Gospel indicates clearly that he was either one or the other of the two sons of Zebedee. This conclusion is confirmed by the curious circumstance that neither one of these men is mentioned in the Gospel by name. How did they come to be omitted? They were in the very innermost circle of Jesus' disciples; many apostles far less prominent[170] than they are named frequently on the pages of the Gospel. There can be only one solution of the problem: one at least of these men is, as a matter of fact, introduced in the Gospel as the beloved disciple, and the reason why he is introduced in such a curiously anonymous way and why his brother also is not named, is that the author felt a natural delicacy about introducing his own and his brother's name into a narrative of the Lord's life.

One statement that has just been made requires qualification: it is not quite true that the sons of Zebedee are not designated by name in the Gospel. They are not indeed called by their individual names, but in ch. 21:2, they are designated by the name of their father. Possibly this slight difference of usage between chapter 21 and the rest of the Gospel has something to do with the fact that chapter 21 seems to be an appendix.

(7) The Author Was Not James, but John.—The author of the Fourth Gospel, then, identifies himself with one or the other of the sons of Zebedee. As to which one of the two is meant there cannot be the slightest doubt. James the son of Zebedee was martyred in A. D. 44. Acts 12:2. There is abundant evidence that the Fourth Gospel was not written so early as that; and John 21:20-23 apparently implies that the author lived to a considerable age. Evidently, therefore, it is John and not James with whom the author identifies himself.

(8) Is the Gospel's Own Testimony True?—Thus the singularly strong tradition which attributes the Fourth Gospel to John the son of Zebedee is supported by the independent testimony of the book itself. Conceivably, of course, that testimony might be false. But it is very hard to believe that it is. It is very hard to believe that the author of this wonderful book, who despite all the profundity of his ideas exalts in a very special manner the importance of simple testimony based upon the senses, John 19:35; I John 1:1-4, has in a manner far subtler and more heinous than if he had simply put a false name at the beginning palmed himself off as an eyewitness of the Saviour's life. Many learned men have found it possible to accept such a view; but the simple reader of the Gospel will always be inclined to dissent. The author of this book has narrated many things hard to be believed. But there are still found those who accept his solemn testimony; there are still found those in whom the purpose of the book is achieved, who through this Gospel believe that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of God, and believing have life in his name. John 20:31.

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4. TRADITIONAL TIME AND PLACE AND PLAN

The tradition about the Fourth Gospel is not confined to the bare fact of Johannine authorship; it has preserved certain other very interesting information.

(1) The Ephesian Residence.—For example, tradition represents the Fourth Gospel as written after the other three Gospels and at Ephesus. The evidence for the Ephesian residence of the apostle John is singularly abundant and weighty; and the contrary evidence which has been thought to attest an early death of John is exceedingly weak. At first, John, like the others of the original apostles, remained in Palestine. He appears in Jerusalem a little before A. D. 50 at the Apostolic Council. Gal. 2:9. At some subsequent time, perhaps at the outbreak of the Jewish war in A. D. 66, he journeyed to Asia Minor and there for many years was the revered head of the Church. He lived indeed until the reign of Trajan, which began in A. D. 98.

(2) The Gospel of John Supplementary to the Synoptic Gospels.—According to tradition, the Gospel of John was not only written after the Synoptic Gospels, but was intended to be supplementary to them. This information is amply confirmed by the Gospel itself. Evidently John presupposes on the part of his readers a knowledge of the Synoptic account. This explains his peculiar choice of material—for example, his omission of most of the Galilean ministry, and of such events as the baptism and the institution of the Lord's Supper. It explains also, for example, a verse like John 3:24: "For John was not yet cast into prison." The Synoptic Gospels begin their account of the ministry of Jesus with what happened after the imprisonment of John the Baptist. Mark 1:14. Readers of Mark might even receive the impression that Jesus had not begun his teaching till after that time. John corrects any such impression in ch. 3:24.

If, then, the Gospel of John is intended not to compete with the Synoptic Gospels, but to supplement them, in what direction does the supplementing move? What is it that John adds to what had already been told? Here, again, tradition affords us useful hints.

Eusebius, in the early part of the fourth century, writes as follows (Church History, iii, 24, 7-13, translated by McGiffert, in "Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers," second series, vol. i, p. 153):

"And when Mark and Luke had already published their Gospels, they say that John, who had employed all his time in proclaiming the Gospel orally, finally proceeded to write for the following reason. The three Gospels already mentioned [Matthew, Mark and Luke][172] having come into the hands of all and into his own too, they say that he accepted them and bore witness to their truthfulness; but that there was lacking in them an account of the deeds done by Christ at the beginning of his ministry. And this indeed is true. For it is evident that the three evangelists recorded only the deeds done by the Saviour for one year after the imprisonment of John the Baptist, and indicated this in the beginning of their account. For Matthew, after the forty days' fast and the temptation which followed it, indicates the chronology of his work when he says: 'Now when he heard that John was delivered up he withdrew from Judea into Galilee.' Mark likewise says: 'Now after that John was delivered up Jesus came into Galilee.' And Luke, before commencing his account of the deeds of Jesus, similarly marks the time, when he says that Herod, 'adding to all the evil deeds which he had done, shut up John in prison.' They say, therefore, that the apostle John, being asked to do it for this reason, gave in his Gospel an account of the period which had been omitted by the earlier evangelists, and of the deeds done by the Saviour during that period; that is, of those which were done before the imprisonment of the Baptist. And this is indicated by him, they say, in the following words: 'This beginning of miracles did Jesus'; and again when he refers to the Baptist, in the midst of the deeds of Jesus, as still baptizing in Ænon near Salim; where he states the matter clearly in the words: 'For John was not yet cast into prison.' John accordingly, in his Gospel, records the deeds of Christ which were performed before the Baptist was cast into prison, but the other three evangelists mention the events which happened after that time. One who understands this can no longer think that the Gospels are at variance with one another, inasmuch as the Gospel according to John contains the first acts of Christ, while the others give an account of the latter part of his life. And the genealogy of our Saviour according to the flesh John quite naturally omitted, because it had been already given by Matthew and Luke, and began with the doctrine of his divinity, which had, as it were, been reserved for him, as their superior, by the divine Spirit."

According to Eusebius, then, John intended to treat the time before the imprisonment of the Baptist as the Synoptists treated the time after that event. We have already noted the element of truth in this observation. Of course it is not the only observation that needs to be made. Much of what John narrates occurred after the imprisonment of the Baptist.

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According to Clement of Alexandria, of the close of the second century, who here reports what had been said by his predecessors in Alexandria, John, seeing that "bodily" matters had been treated by the Synoptists, supplemented their work by writing a "spiritual" Gospel. In this testimony also there is no doubt an element of truth. It is true that the Fourth Gospel reproduces certain profound elements in the teaching of Jesus which in the earlier Gospels appear only incidentally.

The oral tradition which forms the chief basis of the Synoptic Gospels was rooted deep in the earliest missionary activity of the Church. Especially, perhaps, in the Gospel of Mark, but also in Matthew and Luke, we have for the most part those facts about Jesus and those elements of his teaching which could appeal at once to simple-minded believers or to outsiders. The Gospel of John, on the other hand, drawing, like the others, from the rich store of Jesus' teaching and Jesus' person, has revealed yet deeper mysteries. In this profound book, we have the recollections of a beloved disciple, at first understood only imperfectly by the apostle himself, but rendered ever clearer by advancing experience, and firmly fixed by being often repeated in the author's oral instruction of the Church.

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In the Library.—Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible," article on "John" (7): Purves, article on "John, Gospel according to St." M'Clymont, "The New Testament and Its Writers," pp. 33-40. Stevens and Burton, "A Harmony of the Gospels." Westcott, "The Gospel according to St. John: The Authorized Version with Introduction and Notes." "The Cambridge Bible for Schools": Plummer, "The Gospel According to St. John." Browning, "A Death in the Desert" (vol. iv, pp. 191-206 of the Riverside Edition). Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," vol. iii, pp. 174-355. The last-named work is intended primarily for those who have some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by others.

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LESSON XXXI

THE JESUS OF THE GOSPELS

It is possible to speak of "the Jesus of the Gospels" only if the Gospels are in essential agreement. If the features of the four portraits are so different that they never could have been united really in the same person, then there is no such thing as a Jesus of the Gospels, but only a Jesus of Matthew and a Jesus of Mark and a Jesus of Luke and a Jesus of John.

1. AGREEMENT AMONG THE SYNOPTISTS

Among the Synoptic Gospels, at any rate, no such difference exists. Though every one of these Gospels possesses its own characteristics, the peculiarities are almost negligible in comparison with the underlying unity. There is certainly such a thing as "the Synoptic Jesus." His words and deeds are narrated in each of the Gospels in a different selection and in a different style, but the characteristic features are everywhere the same.

2. THE SYNOPTISTS AND JOHN

With regard to the Fourth Gospel, the matter is not quite so plain. The contrast between the Synoptists and John has already been noticed. It forces itself upon even the most casual reader. Difference, however, is not necessarily contradiction. It may be due to a difference in the point of view. Both the Synoptists and John give a true picture of Jesus; the same features appear very different when viewed from different angles.

3. DIVINITY AND HUMANITY

At any rate, if there is a contradiction between the first three Gospels and the Gospel of John, the contradiction is by no means easy to formulate. It cannot be said, for example, simply that the Synoptists present a human Jesus and John a divine Jesus. Whatever the differences among the four Gospels, all four agree at least in two essential features. All four present Jesus, in the first place as a man, and in the second place as something more than a man.

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(1) Humanity in the Synoptists.—The former feature is perhaps especially clear in the Synoptists. According to the first three Gospels, Jesus led a genuine human life from birth to death. As a child he grew not only in stature, but also in wisdom. He was subject to human parents and to the requirements of the Jewish law. Even after the inauguration of his ministry the human conditions of his life were not superseded. He was even tempted like other men. He grew weary and slept. He suffered hunger and thirst. He could rejoice and he could suffer sorrow. He prayed, like other men, and worshiped God. He needed strengthening both for body and for mind. No mere semblance of a human life is here presented, but a genuine man of flesh and blood.

(2) Humanity in John.—But if the Jesus of the Synoptists is a true man, how is it with the Jesus of John? Does the Fourth Gospel present merely a heavenly being who walked through the world untouched and unruffled by the sin and misery and weakness that surrounded him? Only a very superficial reading can produce such an impression. The Fourth Gospel indeed lays a supreme emphasis upon the majesty of Jesus, upon his "glory" as it was manifested in works of power and attested by God himself. But side by side with these features of the narrative, as though to prevent a possible misunderstanding, the author presents the humanity of Jesus with drastic touches that can scarcely be paralleled in the Synoptists themselves. It is John who speaks of the weariness of Jesus at the well of Samaria, ch. 4:6; of the human affection which he felt for Lazarus and Martha and Mary, ch. 11:3,5,36, and for an individual among the disciples, ch. 13:23; of his weeping, ch. 11:35; and indignant groaning, v. 38; and of his deadly thirst. Ch. 19:28. As clearly as the other evangelists John presents Jesus as a man.

(3) Divinity in John.—In the second place, all four Gospels, if they present Jesus as a man, also present him as something far more than a man. With regard to the Gospel of John, of course the matter is unmistakable. The very first verse reads: "In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God." Jesus according to John was plainly no product of the world, but God come in the flesh. John 1:14. The teaching of Jesus himself, as it is reported in the Fourth Gospel, is concerned with the relation of perfect unity that exists between the Father and the Son.

(4) Divinity in the Synoptists.—In the Synoptists the supernatural character of Jesus is somewhat less on the surface. His teaching, as the Synoptists report it, is largely concerned not directly with his[176] own person, but with the kingdom that he came to found. Even his Messiahship is often kept in the background; the demons are often commanded not to reveal it.

A closer examination, however, reveals the essential unity between the Synoptists and John. If the supernatural character of Jesus appears in the Synoptists less plainly on the surface, it is really no less pervasive at the center. It does not so often form the subject of direct exposition, but it is everywhere presupposed. The doing by Jesus of what only God can do, Mark 2:5,7; the sovereign way in which he legislates for the kingdom of God, Matt. 5:17-48; his unearthly holiness and complete lack of any consciousness of sin; the boundlessness of his demand for obedience, Luke 9:57-62; his expected freedom from limitations of time and place, Matt. 28:20; the absolutely central place which he claims for himself as ruler and judge; the substantiation of all his lofty claims by wonderful power over the forces of nature—these are only indications chosen almost at random of what is really plain upon every page of the Synoptic Gospels, that the Jesus who is there described is no mere human figure but a divine Saviour of the world. The invitation of Matt. 11:28-30, which is typical of the Synoptic teaching, would have been absurd on the lips of anyone but the Son of God.

Moreover, the divine nature of Jesus is not merely implied in the Synoptic Gospels; there are times when it even becomes explicit. The relation of perfect mutual knowledge that exists between Jesus and the Father, Matt. 11:27, reveals a perfect unity of nature. The Jesus of the Synoptists, as well as the Jesus of John, might say, "I and the Father are one."

4. THE MANNER OF JESUS' TEACHING

The Synoptic Gospels, therefore, imply everywhere exactly the same Jesus who is more expressly presented in the Gospel of John. If, then, there is a contradiction between the Synoptists and John, it can be concerned only with the manner of Jesus' teaching. The Synoptists as well as John present Jesus as a supernatural person, it is said, but unlike John they represent him as keeping his own person in the background.

Even here, however, maturer consideration shows that the difference does not amount to anything like contradiction. May not the same person have spoken the discourses of the Fourth Gospel and also those of the Synoptists? It must be remembered that the ministry of Jesus was varied, and that the first three evangelists[177] confine themselves almost exclusively to one phase of it. In the public Galilean ministry, which the Synoptists describe, it was necessary for Jesus to keep even his Messiahship for a time in the background. Publication of it, owing to the false political conception which the Jews had of the Messiah's work, would have been fatal to Jesus' plan. Here, as so often, the Fourth Gospel explains the other three. After the feeding of the five thousand, John tells us, the crowd wanted to take Jesus by force and make him a king. John 6:15. Popularity was dangerous. Jesus could not proclaim himself publicly as the Messiah, until by explaining the spiritual nature of the kingdom he had prepared the people for the kind of Messiah which it was his mission to be.

Of course, it is difficult for us to understand at every point just why Jesus acted as he did. All that we are now maintaining is that the considerations just adduced, and others like them, show that it is perfectly conceivable that Jesus, before his intimate disciples and in Jerusalem and at a special crisis, John, ch. 6, adopted a method of teaching which in the greater part of the Galilean ministry he considered out of place. There is room in a true narrative of Jesus' life both for the Synoptists and for John.

5. THE COMPREHENSIVENESS OF JESUS

Jesus was many-sided. He was Lawgiver, he was Teacher, he was Healer, he was Ruler, he was Saviour. He was man and he was God. The Gospels have presented him in the richness of his mysterious person. Modern historians are less comprehensive. They have been offended at the manifoldness of the Gospel picture. They have endeavored to reduce Jesus to the level of what they can comprehend. But their effort has been a failure. After the supposed contradictions have been removed, greater contradictions remain; and the resulting figure is at any rate too small to account for the origin of Christianity. The partial Jesus of modern criticism, despite his comparative littleness, is a monstrosity; the comprehensive Jesus of the Gospels, though mysterious, is a self-evidencing and life-giving fact.

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In the Library.—Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves, article on "Jesus Christ." Warfield, "The Lord of Glory," pp. 125-173. Robertson, "Epochs in the Life of Jesus." Stalker, "The Life of Jesus Christ." Denney, "Jesus and the Gospel." Andrews, "The Life of Our Lord."

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LESSON XXXII

A DOCUMENT OF THE JERUSALEM CHURCH

The Epistle of James

1. THE CHRISTIANITY OF JAMES

The Epistle of James has been called the least Christian book in the New Testament. Superficially this judgment is true. The name of Jesus occurs only twice in the epistle, James 1:1; 2:1, and there is no specific reference to his life and death and resurrection. A close examination, however, reverses the first impression.

(1) James and the Synoptic Discourses.—In the first place, the ethical teaching of James is permeated by the spirit of Jesus. Even the form of the epistle displays a marked affinity for the discourses of the Synoptic Gospels, and the affinity in content is even more apparent. Many striking parallels could be cited; but what is more convincing than such details is the indefinable spirit of the whole. The way in which James treats the covetousness, the pride, the heartlessness, the formalism, the pettiness and the meanness of his readers, is strikingly similar to the way in which his Master dealt with the Pharisees. James does not indeed actually cite the words of Jesus; but the absence of citations makes the underlying similarity all the more significant. The writer of this epistle did not live at a time when the knowledge of the words of Jesus was derived from books; rather he had himself listened to the Master—even though he was not at first a disciple—and was living in a community where the impression of Jesus' teaching and Jesus' person was still fresh in the memory of those who had known him on earth.

(2) James and Christian Doctrine.—In the second place, moreover, the Christianity of James is religious as well as ethical. Of course it could not be like the teaching of Jesus if it were merely ethical; for everything that Jesus taught even about the simplest matters of human conduct was determined by the thought of the heavenly Father and by the significance of his own person. But by the religious character of the Epistle of James even more than this is meant. Like all the writers of the New Testament James was well aware of the saving significance of Jesus' death and resurrection. For him as well as for the others, Jesus was Lord, ch. 1:1, and a Lord who was possessed of a heavenly glory. Ch. 2:1. James, as[179] well as the others, was waiting for the second coming of Christ. Ch. 5:8. He does not directly refer to the saving events that form the substance of Christian faith; but he takes them everywhere for granted. The word of truth through which the disciples have been formed by God, ch. 1:18, the implanted word, v. 21, that needs ever to be received anew, can hardly be anything else than the apostolic gospel as it was proclaimed in the earliest speeches of Peter which are recorded in The Acts, and as it found its rich unfolding in the teaching of Paul. Just because that gospel in our epistle is presupposed, it does not need to be expounded in detail. The men to whom James was writing were not lacking in orthodoxy. If they had been, he would have set them right, and we should have had another exposition of the gospel. As a matter of fact their fault was in practice, not in theory; and it is in the sphere of practice that they are met by James. The epistle would be insufficient if it stood alone. It does not lay the foundation of Christian faith. But it shows how, upon that foundation, may be built not the wood, hay and stubble of a wordy orthodoxy, but the gold and silver and precious stones of an honest Christian life.

This epistle, then, might be misleading if taken by itself; but it becomes salutary if it is understood in its historical connections. Far from disparaging Christian doctrine—as the modern Church is tempted to suppose—it builds upon doctrine. In that it agrees with the whole of the Bible. Christianity, as has been finely said, is a life only because it is a doctrine. Only the great saving events of the gospel have rendered possible a life like that which is described in the Epistle of James. And where the gospel is really accepted with heart as well as mind, that life of love will always follow.

2. DATE AND AUTHENTICITY OF THE EPISTLE

The view which will be held about the date of the Epistle of James will depend very largely upon the interpretation of the passage about faith and works. James 2:14-26. In that passage, some of the same terms appear as are prominent in connection with the great Judaistic controversy in which Paul was engaged from the time of the Apostolic Council to the time of the third missionary journey. Three views have been held with regard to the date of the Epistle of James. The epistle may be regarded as written (1) before the Judaistic controversy arose, (2) during that controversy or while it was still fresh in men's minds, or (3) long after the controversy had been settled.

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(1) The Intermediate Date.—The second of these three views may be eliminated first. This intermediate view has the advantage of placing the epistle within the lifetime of James. It can treat the epistle as authentic. It has furthermore the advantage of explaining the coincidences between James 2:14-26 and Rom., ch. 4. For if the epistle was written at the very close of the lifetime of James—say about A. D. 62, or, following Hegesippus, A. D. 66—the author may have become acquainted with the Epistle to the Romans.

But the difficulties of this view far overbalance the advantages. If James was writing with Galatians and Romans before him, then apparently in ch. 2:24 he intends to contradict those epistles. As a matter of fact, however, as is shown in the Student's Text Book, he does not really contradict them, but is in perfect harmony with them. He has therefore gone out of his way in order to introduce a formal contradiction of the great apostle to the Gentiles although there is no real contradiction of meaning at all! What could he possibly gain by such useless trouble-making? If James really wanted to combat Paul's doctrine of justification by faith, he would have done so very differently; and if he did not want to combat it, he would certainly not have uselessly created the appearance of doing so.

Perhaps, however, James 2:14-26 is a refutation not of Paul but of a misunderstanding of Paul. This also is very improbable. If the passage was a refutation not of Paul but of a misunderstanding of Paul, why did James not say so? Why did he not distinguish Paul clearly from his misinterpreters? Instead he has indulged uselessly in a formal contradiction of Paul, and has in refutation of a misunderstanding of Paul not even used the abundant materials which Paul himself could offer! And where was such a misunderstanding of Paul possible in Jewish Christian circles of A. D. 62?

What makes every form of this intermediate dating impossible is the total absence from the epistle of any reference to the question of the conditions upon which Gentiles were to be received into the Church. In A. D. 62 this question had recently been the subject of bitter controversy. At that time no one could have touched upon the closely related topic of faith and works as James does and yet have ignored so completely the controversial question.

Evidently, therefore, the epistle was written either before the Judaistic controversy arose or else long after it was over.

(2) The Late Date.—The latter view makes the epistle a pseudonymous work—it assumes that an unknown author has here tried to[181]enhance the influence of his work by putting it under the name of the first head of the Jerusalem church. This is of itself sufficient to refute the late dating. For the procedure of the supposed falsifier is quite incomprehensible. He has chosen James as the alleged author only because of the lofty position which James held, and yet he has designated him in the first verse merely as a simple Christian! The procedure of real forgers is very different.

There are also, however, other objections to the late dating. Would any writer in the second century, when the authority of Paul was well established, have ventured to introduce such an apparent contradiction of Paul as appears in James 2:24? In a writer of A. D. 150 we should have had formal agreement with Paul and material disagreement; in the Epistle of James we have formal disagreement and material harmony. Apparent contradiction of expression‎ combined with perfect unity of thought is a sure sign of independence. The Epistle of James has made no use of the epistles of Paul.

Against this conclusion may be urged only the coincidence that James and Paul both use the example of Abraham, and cite the same verse, Gen. 15:6, with regard to him. But it must be remembered that to every Jew Abraham offered the most obvious example in all the Scriptures. It is possible, too, that the faith and works of Abraham had in pre-Christian Jewish circles already been the subject of controversy. Furthermore, James does not confine himself to Abraham, but introduces Rahab also, who is not mentioned by Paul. The coincidence between Paul and James is quite insufficient to overbalance the clear evidence of independence.

(3) The Early Date.—Only one hypothesis, then, suits the facts. The Epistle of James was clearly written before the Judaistic controversy became acute at the time of the Apostolic Council. In the second chapter of the epistle, James has used the same terms that became prominent in that controversy, but he has used them in refuting a practical, not a theoretical, error—an error that is related only indirectly to the great subject of Galatians and Romans.

3. UNDERLYING UNITY OF THE EPISTLE

At first sight the Epistle of James seems to possess very little unity. Topic follows topic often with little apparent connection. But the connection between the individual sections is closer than appears at first; and the epistle as a whole possesses at least a perfect unity of spirit.

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(1) Reality in Religion.—The ruling tone of the epistle, which may be detected beneath all the varying exhortations, is a certain manly honesty, a certain fierce hatred of all sham and cant and humbug and meanness. James is a stern advocate of a practical religion.

(2) Supremacy of Religion.—It must be noticed, however, that the religion of this writer is none the less religious because it is practical. James is no advocate of a "gospel of street-cleaning." On the contrary he insists with characteristic vehemence upon personal piety. The same writer who has been regarded as emphasizing works at the expense of faith, who might be hailed as a leader of those who would make religion terminate upon man rather than God, who might be thought to disparage everything but "social service"—this same writer is one of the most earnest advocates of prayer. James 1:5-8; 4:2,3; 5:14-18. This apostle of works, this supposed disparager of faith, is almost bitter in his denunciation of unbelief! Ch. 1:6-8. God, not man, according to James, is the author of every perfect gift. V. 17. Prayer is the remedy both for bodily and for spiritual ills. Ch. 5:14-18. James lends no countenance to the modern disparagement of religious devotion. The same uncompromising severity with which he lashes an inactive religion is also applied just as mercilessly to an irreligious activity. Ch. 4:13-15. James does not attack religion in the interests of reality; he attacks unreality in the interests of religion.

4. CONTENTS OF THE EPISTLE

The opening of the epistle, like that of the letters contained in Acts 15:23-29; 23:26-30, is constructed according to the regular Greek form.

After the opening, James speaks first of trials or temptations. Rightly used they will lead to perfection. If, however, there is still imperfection, it can be removed by prayer to God. The imperfection which is here especially in view is an imperfection in wisdom. Apparently the readers, like the Pharisees, had laid an excessive stress upon knowledge. The true wisdom, says James, can be obtained not by human pride, as the readers seem to think, but only by prayer. Prayer, however, must be in faith—there must be no wavering in it. Pride, indeed, is altogether blameworthy. If there is to be boasting, it should certainly be not in earthly wealth but in those spiritual blessings which often reverse earthly distinctions. Returning to the subject of temptations, James insists that in their evil they do not come from God, but from the depths of[183] man's own desires. From God comes no evil thing, but every perfect gift; and in the gospel God has bestowed upon us his richest blessing.

That gospel must be received with all diligence. It will exclude wrath and insincerity. True religion consists not merely in hearing but in doing; good examples of the exercise of it are the visitation of the fatherless and widows and the preservation of one's own personal purity of life.

Faith in Christ, James continues in similar vein, excludes all undue respect of persons. Indeed God in his choice of those who should be saved has especially favored the poor. The rich as a class are rather the oppressors of the Christians. Surely then the Christians should not favor rich men for selfish reasons. The law of love will exclude all such unworthy conduct.

That law of love requires an active life. Faith, if it be true faith, leads to works. Away with a miserable faith that is expressed only in words!

Words, indeed, are dangerous. The tongue is a prolific source of harm. Evil speech reveals the deep-seated corruption of the heart. The readers must be careful, therefore, about seeking the work of a teacher. The true wisdom, which fits a man to teach, is not of man's acquiring, but comes from God.

Quarreling—which was produced especially by the inordinate ambition among the readers to pose as teachers—must be counteracted by submission to God.

The constant thought of God excludes all pride in human planning. Especially the rich must reflect upon the transitoriness of earthly possessions and above all must be sure that their wealth is honestly gained.

Finally, patient waiting for the Lord, the example of the Old Testament saints, and the earnest practice of prayer will make effective all the exhortations of the epistle.

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In the Library.—Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp. 123-138. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Warfield, articles on "James" and "James, Epistle of." M'Clymont, "The New Testament and Its Writers," pp. 123-129. Knowling, "The Epistle of St. James." "The Cambridge Bible for Schools": Plumptre, "The General Epistle of St. James." Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," vol. i, pp. 73-151. The last-named work is intended primarily for those who have some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by others.

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LESSON XXXIII

JESUS THE FULFILLMENT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

The Epistle to the Hebrews

1. PAUL NOT THE AUTHOR

(1) The Tradition.—At Alexandria in the latter part of the second century Paul was thought to be the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews; but in North Africa a little later Tertullian attributed the epistle to Barnabas, and in other portions of the Church the Pauline authorship was certainly not accepted. In the west, the Pauline authorship was long denied and the inclusion of the epistle in the New Testament resisted. At last the Alexandrian view won universal acceptance. The Epistle to the Hebrews became an accepted part of the New Testament, and was attributed to Paul.

Clement of Alexandria, who had apparently received the tradition of Pauline authorship from Pantænus, his predecessor, himself declares that Hebrews was written by Paul in the "Hebrew" (Aramaic) language, and was translated by Luke into Greek. The notion of a translation by Luke was based upon no genuine historical tradition—Hebrews is certainly an original Greek work—but was simply an hypothesis constructed to explain the peculiarities of the epistle on the supposition that it was a work of Paul.

(2) The Value of the Tradition.—The tradition of Pauline authorship is clearly very weak. If Paul had been the author, it is hard to see why the memory of the fact should have been lost so generally in the Church. No one in the early period had any objection to the epistle; on the contrary it was very highly regarded. If, then, it had really been written by Paul, the Pauline authorship would have been accepted everywhere with avidity. The negative testimony of the Roman church is particularly significant. The epistle was quoted by Clement of Rome at about A. D. 95; yet at Rome as elsewhere in the West the epistle seems never in the early period to have been regarded as Pauline. In other words, just where acquaintance with the epistle can be traced farthest back, the denial of Pauline authorship seems to have been most insistent. If Clement of Rome had regarded Paul as the author, the history of Roman opinion about the epistle would have been very different.

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On the other hand, on the supposition that there was originally no tradition of Pauline authorship, the subsequent preval‎ence of such a tradition is easily explained. It was due simply to the evident apostolic authority of the epistle itself. From the start, Hebrews was felt to be an authoritative work. Being authoritative, it would be collected along with other authoritative works. Since it was an epistle, and exhibited a certain Pauline quality of spirit and subject, it would naturally be associated with the other works of the greatest letter writer of the apostolic age. Being thus included in a collection of the Pauline Epistles, and being regarded as of apostolic authority, what was more natural than to attribute it to the apostle Paul? Such, very possibly, was the origin of the Alexandrian tradition.

This tradition did not win immediate acceptance, because the rest of the Church was still aware that the epistle was not written by Paul. What led to the final conquest of the Pauline tradition was simply the character of the book itself. The question of Pauline authorship, in the case of this book, became connected with the question of apostolic authority. The Church had to choose between rejecting the book altogether, and accepting it as Pauline. When she finally adopted the latter alternative, undoubtedly she chose the lesser error. It was an error to regard the epistle as the work of Paul; but it would have been a far greater error to exclude it from the New Testament. As a matter of fact, though the book was not written by Paul, it was written, if not by one of the other apostles, at least by an "apostolic man" like Mark or Luke. Scarcely any book of the New Testament bears clearer marks of true apostolicity.

(3) Internal Evidence.—The argument against Pauline authorship which is derived from tradition is strongly supported by the contents of the epistle itself. In the first place, it is exceedingly doubtful whether Paul could have spoken of himself as having had the Christian salvation confirmed to him by those who had heard the Lord. Heb. 2:3. Knowledge of the earthly life of Jesus was indeed conveyed to Paul by ordinary word of mouth from the eyewitnesses; but the gospel itself, as he insists with vehemence in Galatians, was revealed to him directly by Christ. In the second place, the style of the epistle is very different from that of Paul, being, as we shall see, far more carefully wrought. In the third place, the thoughts developed in Hebrews, though undoubtedly they are in perfect harmony with the Pauline Epistles, are by no means characteristically Pauline. It is a little hard to understand, for[186] example, how Paul could have written at such length about the law without speaking of justification by faith or the reception of Gentiles into the Church. This last argument, however, must not be exaggerated. Undoubtedly Paul would have agreed heartily to everything that Hebrews contains. Paul and the author of this epistle have developed merely somewhat different sides of the same great truth.

2. WHO WAS THE AUTHOR?

If Paul did not write the Epistle to the Hebrews, who did write it? Prodigious labor has been expended upon this question, but with very little result. In ancient times, Barnabas, Luke and Clement of Rome, were each regarded as the author. Of these three views the first is most probable; the second is exceedingly unlikely; and the last is clearly impossible. Whoever wrote the epistle, Clement certainly did not. The letter which we possess from his pen is immeasurably inferior to the apostolic writings to which Hebrews certainly belongs. Clement was a humble reader of Hebrews, not the author of it. Luther was inclined to regard Apollos as the possible author of Hebrews; and of all the many suggestions that have been made, this is perhaps the best. Undoubtedly the circumstances and training of Apollos were in a number of respects like those which might naturally be attributed to the author of the epistle. Apollos was closely associated with Paul, and perhaps at a later time with others of the apostles, just as might be expected of the author of an apostolic work such as Hebrews. On the other hand, like the author of the epistle, he was not an eyewitness of the life of Jesus. Compare Heb. 2:4. Like the author of the epistle he was no doubt acquainted with Timothy. Compare ch. 13:23. He was an "eloquent" or "learned" man, Acts 18:24, who might well have produced the splendid rhetoric of the epistle. He was a Jew and mighty in the Scriptures, as was also the author of Hebrews. He was a native of Alexandria, the university city of the period, and the seat of a large Jewish community, where just that combination of Greek rhetorical training with Scriptural knowledge which is exhibited in the epistle is most naturally to be sought.

These indications, however, can merely show that Apollos might conceivably have written the epistle; they do not show that he did write it. The authorship of this powerful work will always remain uncertain. How little we know, after all, of the abounding life of the apostolic Church!

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3. WHERE WERE THE READERS?

In the Student's Text Book, it has been shown that the readers of the epistle were probably members of some rather narrowly circumscribed community. Where this community was is by no means clear. The one indication of place which the epistle contains is ambiguous. In ch. 13:24 it is said, "They of Italy salute you." These words may mean that the author is in Italy and sends greetings from the Christians of that country, or they may mean that the author is outside of Italy and sends greetings from Italian Christians who happened to be with him. In the latter case, probably the readers were in Italy; for otherwise they would have no special interest in the Italian Christians. All that we can say is then that the epistle was probably written either from Italy or to Italy. If it was written from Italy, then since the readers were Jews, it is natural to seek them in Palestine. The Palestinian Christians were "Hebrews" in the narrower, linguistic sense of the word, as well as in the broader, national sense. The ancient heading of the epistle thus comes to its full rights. On the other hand the Palestinian hypothesis faces some rather grave difficulties. If the readers are to be sought in Italy, then perhaps they formed a Jewish Christian community in Rome or in some other Italian city. The question cannot be settled with any certainty. The destination of the epistle is an even greater riddle than the authorship.

4. WHEN WAS THE EPISTLE WRITTEN?

The Epistle to the Hebrews was certainly written before A. D. 95, for at about that time it was quoted by Clement of Rome. The mention of Timothy in ch. 13:23 perhaps does not carry us much farther, for Timothy, who was a grown man at about A. D. 50, Acts 16:1-3, may have lived till the end of the first century. The epistle, however, does not bear any of the marks of late origin. The question of date is closely connected with the question whether in the epistle the temple at Jerusalem is regarded as still standing. This question cannot be settled with certainty. But on the whole the continuance of the Levitical ceremonies seems to be assumed in the epistle, and at any rate there is no clear reference to their cessation. Probably therefore the Epistle to the Hebrews was written before the destruction of Jerusalem in A. D. 70.

5. HEBREWS A LITERARY WORK

The Epistle to the Hebrews is a product of conscious literary art.[188] The rhetoric of Paul is unconscious; even such passages as the first few chapters of First Corinthians or the eighth chapter of Romans may have been composed with the utmost rapidity. The author of Hebrews probably went differently to work. Such sentences as Heb. 1:1-4, even in an inspired writer, can only be the result of diligent labor. By long practice the writer of Hebrews had acquired that feeling for rhythm and balance of phrase, that facility in the construction of smooth-flowing periods, which give to his epistle its distinctive quality among the New Testament books. Greek rhetoric of the Hellenistic age, freed from its hollow artificiality, is here laid under contribution for the Saviour's praise.

The presence of such a book in the New Testament is highly salutary. Devout Christians in their enthusiasm for the simplicity of the gospel are sometimes in danger of becoming one-sided. They are sometimes inclined to confuse simplicity with ugliness, and then to prize ugliness for its own sake. It is perfectly true that the value of the gospel is quite independent of æsthetic niceties, and that the language of the New Testament is for the most part very simple. But it is not true that the simplicity of the New Testament has anything in common with the bad taste of some modern phraseology, or that eloquence is of itself evil. The Epistle to the Hebrews shows by a noble example that there is such a thing as Christian art. The majestic sentences of this ancient masterpiece, with their exquisite clearness and liturgic rhythm and uplifting power, have contributed inestimably to the Christian conception of the Saviour. The art of Hebrews is not art for art's sake, but art for the sake of Christ. Literary perfection is here combined with profound genuineness and apostolic fervor; art is here ennobled by consecration.

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In the Library.—Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp. 164, 165, 265-267, 286-289. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves, article on "Hebrews, Epistle to the." M'Clymont, "The New Testament and Its Writers," pp. 116-122. Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary for English Readers," vol. iii, pp. 275-348: Moulton, "The Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Hebrews." Westcott, "The Epistle to the Hebrews." Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," vol. ii, pp. 293-366. The two last-named works are intended primarily for those who have some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by others.

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[189]

LESSON XXXIV

CHRISTIAN FORTITUDE

The First Epistle of Peter

1. SEPARATION FROM THE WORLD

The First Epistle of Peter is the epistle of separateness. The modern Church is in grave danger of forgetting the distinctiveness of her gospel and the glorious isolation of her position. She is too often content to be merely one factor in civilization, a means of improving the world instead of the instrument in creating a new world.

The first readers of the epistle were subject to a similar danger, though it arose from a somewhat different cause. To-day we are no longer subject to persecution; but the danger is fundamentally the same. The world's friendship may be even more disastrous than the world's hatred. The readers of First Peter were tempted to relinquish what was distinctive in their faith in order to avoid the hostility of their heathen neighbors; we are tempted to do the same thing because the superficial respectability of modern life has put a gloss of polite convention over the profound differences that divide the inner lives of men. We, as well as the first readers of the epistle, need to be told that this world is lost in sin, that the blood of Christ has ransomed an elect race from the city of destruction, that the high privileges of the Christian calling demand spotless purity and unswerving courage.

(1) The Character of the Persecution.—The character of the persecution to which the readers of the epistle were subjected cannot be determined with perfect clearness. It is not even certain that the Christian profession in itself was regarded officially as a crime. Apparently charges of positive misconduct were needed to give countenance to the persecutors. I Peter 2:12. The Christians needed to be warned that there is no heroism in suffering if the suffering is the just punishment of misdeeds. Chs. 2:20; 4:15. What particular charges were brought against the Christians it is of course difficult to determine. Perhaps they were sometimes charged with gross crimes such as murder or theft. But a more frequent accusation was probably "hatred of the human race," or the like. The Christians were thought to be busybodies. In[190] setting the world to rights they seemed to meddle in other people's affairs. In claiming to be citizens of a heavenly kingdom, they seemed indifferent or hostile to earthly relationships. As subjects of the emperor and of his representatives, the Christians were thought to be disloyal; as slaves, they seemed disobedient.

(2) Duties of Earthly Life.—In view of these accusations, Peter urges his readers to avoid all improper employment of their Christian freedom. Christian freedom does not mean license; Christian independence does not mean indifference. There is no reason why a good Christian should be a bad citizen, even of a heathen state, ch. 2:13-17, or an unprofitable servant, even of a harsh master, vs. 18-25, or a quarrelsome wife, even of an unconverted husband. Ch. 3:1-6. On the contrary, Christians must approve themselves not only in the spiritual realm, but also in the ordinary relationships of this life.

(3) Application to Modern Conditions.—Here again the lesson is important for the present day. Now as always fervent realization of the transcendent glory of Christianity tends sometimes to result in depreciation of ordinary duties. Men of exceptional piety sometimes seem to feel that civilization is unworthy of their attention, even if it is not actually a work of Satan. Of all such vagaries the First Epistle of Peter is the best corrective. Truth is here admirably guarded against the error that lurks at its root. The very epistle that emphasizes the separateness of the Church from the world, that teaches Christian people to look down upon earthly affairs from the vantage ground of heaven, is just the epistle that inculcates sober and diligent conduct in the various relationships of earthly life. In the effort at a higher morality, the simple, humble virtues that even the world appreciates should not be neglected; piety should involve no loss of common sense. Now as always the Christian should be ready to give a reason for the faith that is in him; now as always he should be able to refute the slanders of the world; now as always he should commend his Christianity by his good citizenship. Only so will the example of Christ be fully followed. Jesus was in possession of a transcendent message; but he lived the life of a normal man. The Christian, too, is a man with a divine mission; but like his Master he must exercise his mission in the turmoil of life. He must not be a spoilsport at feasts; his is no desert rôle like John the Baptist's. Christianity has a mission from without; but its mission is fulfilled in loving contact with the world of men.

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(4) The Christian's Defense.—The Christians who suffered persecution should first of all, according to Peter, defend themselves to the very best of their ability. They should do their best to remove dishonor from the name of Christ. They should show the baselessness of the accusations which are brought against them. Then, if they still suffer, it will be clearly suffering for Christ's sake. Such suffering is glorious. It is a test from which faith emerges strong and sure, ch. 1:7; it is true conformity to the example of Christ. Chs. 2:21-24; 3:18; 4:1,13.

2. THE DATE OF THE PERSECUTIONS

From the persecutions presupposed in First Peter no very certain conclusion can be drawn with regard to the date of the epistle. A late date has sometimes been inferred from such passages as I Peter 4:16. Christians were not punished as Christians, it is said, until the beginning of the second century, and especially no such persecution was carried out in the early period throughout the whole empire. Ch. 5:9.

This argument breaks down at a number of points. In the first place, as has already been observed, it is by no means clear that First Peter presupposes a persecution of the Christians simply as Christians. Apparently special charges of immorality were still in the foreground, though these charges were often mere pretexts in order to secure the punishment of members of the hated sect.

In the second place, it is not clear exactly when Christians first began to be punished as "Christians" by the Roman authorities. Undoubtedly the legal basis for such persecution was present as soon as Christianity began to be regarded as separate from Judaism. Judaism had a legal status; Christianity, strictly speaking, had none.

3. DEPENDENCE AND ORIGINALITY

First Peter is clearly dependent upon a number of the Pauline Epistles, and apparently also upon the Epistle of James. The dependence, however, is by no means slavish; the epistle possesses marked characteristics of its own. As compared with Paul, for example, First Peter is somewhat simpler both in thought and in expression‎. No mere imitator, but a genuine personality, speaks to us from the noble simplicity of these pages.

4. COMPARISON WITH THE SPEECHES OF PETER

It is interesting to compare this epistle with the early speeches of Peter that are recorded in The Acts. Part of the difference—similarities[192]also have been pointed out—no doubt, was due to the difference in the persons addressed. In those early speeches, Peter was preaching to unconverted Jews, and had to content himself with a few outstanding facts. In the epistle, he was addressing Christians, before whom he could lay bare the deep things of the faith. Nevertheless, the passing years had brought a change in Peter himself. Upon him as upon everyone else the mighty influence of Paul made itself felt; and even the revelation which came directly to him was progressive. The essence of the gospel was present from the beginning; but the rich unfolding of it which appears in First Peter was the product of long years spent in an ever-widening service.

5. THE STYLE OF THE EPISTLE

The style of First Peter, though not at all rhetorical, like that of Hebrews, is smooth and graceful. It has often been considered strange that a fisherman of Galilee should have been so proficient in Greek. But probably we have an exaggerated notion of the poverty and roughness of the first disciples of Jesus. Undoubtedly they had not enjoyed a rabbinical education; in the technical Jewish sense they were "unlearned and ignorant men." Acts 4:13. Nevertheless, they clearly did not belong at all to the lowest of the population; Peter in particular seems to have been possessed of considerable property. Furthermore, it must be remembered that Greek culture in the first century was making itself felt very extensively in Galilee. No doubt Peter could use Greek even before he left Galilee, and in the course of his later life his linguistic attainments must have been very greatly improved. It is by no means impossible that he wrote First Peter entirely without assistance.

6. SILVANUS

In order, however, to account for the linguistic excellence of this epistle, and in particular for the striking difference between it and Second Peter, a rather attractive hypothesis has been proposed. In I Peter 5:12, Peter says: "By Silvanus, our faithful brother, as I account him, I have written unto you briefly." Undoubtedly these words may designate Silvanus merely as the messenger who carried the letter to its destination. Compare Acts 15:23. It is also possible, however, that Peter meant to say that Silvanus had written the letter under his direction. In that case the thought would be due altogether to Peter; but the form, to some extent[193] at least, would be the work of Silvanus. The hypothesis, of course, is only plausible, not necessary. There are other ways of accounting for the peculiarities of the epistle.

In all probability, the Silvanus of First Peter is the same as the Silvanus of the Pauline Epistles and the Silas of The Acts. If so, his association with Peter is altogether natural; he was originally a member of the Jerusalem church. If, in accordance with the hypothesis which has just been mentioned, Silvanus was really concerned in the composition of the epistle, the choice of such a man for the task was, as has been pointed out by the chief advocate of the hypothesis, exceedingly wise. Silvanus, who had been a companion of Paul and his associate in founding many of the churches of Asia Minor, would be just the man who could find the right tone in writing to the churches to which the epistle is addressed.

7. MARK

The appearance of Mark in I Peter 5:13 confirm‎s the strong tradition which makes Mark a disciple of Peter and associates him with Peter in the production of the Second Gospel. The only two individuals whom Peter mentions in his First Epistle were both natives of Jerusalem, and both, during part of their lives, companions of Paul. The unity of the apostolic Church was preserved not only by a unity of spirit, but also by the changing associations of Christian workers.

8. FORTITUDE IN THE MODERN CHURCH

The First Epistle of Peter has a varied message to the Church of to-day. Even in its exhortations to bravery and steadfastness it is very much needed. We are not subject to persecution by the state, but still there are a thousand circumstances of life in which we need to humble ourselves under the mighty hand of God, casting all our anxiety upon him, because he careth for us. Ch. 5:6,7.

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In the Library.—Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp. 267, 275-282. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Warfield (supplemented), article on "Peter." M'Clymont, "The New Testament and Its Writers," pp. 130-136. Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary for English Readers," vol. iii, pp. 385-436: Mason, "The First Epistle of St. Peter." Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," vol. ii, pp. 134-194. The last-named work is intended primarily for those who have some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by others.

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LESSON XXXV

THE CHRISTIAN'S ATTITUDE TOWARD ERROR AND IMMORALITY

The Second Epistle of Peter and the Epistle of Jude

1. AUTHENTICITY

The Second Epistle of Peter and the Epistle of Jude are among the least known and most seriously questioned parts of the New Testament. Even in ancient times their authenticity was disputed; in the third and fourth centuries there were some at least who desired to exclude them from the New Testament. These ancient doubts have been continued in the modern Church. By very many scholars of the present day, Second Peter and Jude are assigned to second-century writers who falsely assumed the names of an apostle and of a brother of the Lord.

Against such views as these, a number of arguments might be employed. But the strongest argument of all is provided by the self-witness of the epistles themselves. Second Peter, in particular, not only lays claim to apostolic authorship in the address, but is written throughout in the name of an apostle. Either it was really written by an apostle or else it was a deliberate fraud. The latter alternative is excluded by the epistle itself. Second Peter does not look at all like a pseudonymous work, but is a weighty bit of writing, full of the sincerest moral earnestness. Both Second Peter and Jude ring true, with the genuine apostolic note.

2. SECOND PETER AND FIRST PETER

Resemblances have often been pointed out among all three divisions of the New Testament material attributed to Peter. Second Peter has been shown to resemble not only First Peter, but also the speeches of Peter as they are reported in The Acts. Such similarities of course point to a common authorship. It cannot be denied, however, that differences stand side by side with the similarities. In the comparison of the epistles with the speeches, such differences are of course not surprising. The total difference[195] of subject and the wide interval of time provide an amply sufficient explanation. But how is it with the difference between Second Peter and First Peter?

(1) Difference of Purpose and Subject.—In the first place, the difference may be partly explained by the difference of purpose and subject. First Peter is a presentation of the glories of the faith in order to encourage Christians under trial and make them feel their separateness from the world; Second Peter is a solemn warning against dangerous perverters of the life of the Church.

(2) Difference of Time.—In the second place, a considerable interval of time may separate the two epistles. Here we find ourselves on uncertain ground. On the whole it is perhaps better to put the epistles near together at the close of Peter's life.

(3) Work of Silvanus.—In the third place, recourse may be had to the hypothesis, mentioned in the last lesson, which attributes a considerable share in the composition of First Peter to Silvanus.

(4) Conclusion.—Finally, there may be still further possibilities of explanation which cannot now be detected. The differences of style and of thought between the two epistles of Peter are far from sufficient to show diversity of authorship, and it must be remembered that similarities are to be balanced against the differences.

3. VALUE OF SECOND PETER AND JUDE

Although Second Peter and Jude are not so familiar as most of the New Testament, yet even these two brief epistles have entered deep into the mind and heart of the Church.

(1) Expressive Phrases.—Even the inimitably expressive phrases and sentences that have been derived from the epistles have produced no small enrichment of Christian life. The "exceeding great and precious promises," and the "partakers of the divine nature" of II Peter 1:4, the chain of virtues in vs. 5-7, the "make your calling and election sure" of v. 10, the "sure word of prophecy" of v. 19, the description of inspired prophecy in vs. 20, 21—"no prophecy of the scripture is of any private interpretation. For the prophecy came not in old time by the will of man: but holy men of God spake as they were moved by the Holy Ghost"—the "vexed his righteous soul" of ch. 2:8, the "railing accusation" of v. 11; Jude 9, the "stir up your pure minds by way of remembrance" of II Peter 3:1, the "not willing that any should perish, but that all should come to repentance" of v. 9, the "faith which was once delivered unto the saints" of Jude 3, the magnificent doxology[196] of vs. 24, 25—a review of these passages as they appear in the King James Version will bring some realization of the profound influence which even the most obscure books of the New Testament have exerted both upon the English language and upon the character of Christian men.

The influence of Second Peter and Jude, however, is not merely the influence of isolated phrases. The epistles as a whole have a distinctive message for the Church. That message is twofold. It embraces in the first place an emphasis upon authority, and in the second place an insistence upon holiness.

(2 )The Emphasis Upon Authority.—The adversaries who are combated in Second Peter and Jude were impatient of restraint. Apparently they distinguished themselves, as possessing the Spirit, from the ordinary Christians, as being merely "natural." Jude 5, 19; II Peter 2:12. They appealed to their own deeper insight, instead of listening to what apostles and prophets had to say. In reply, Peter and Jude insisted upon the authority of the Old Testament prophets, and upon the authority of the apostles, which was ultimately the authority of Christ. See especially II Peter 3:2.

A similar insistence upon authority is greatly needed to-day. Again men are inclined to appeal to an inward light as justifying freedom from ancient restraints; the Christian consciousness is being exalted above the Bible. At such a time, renewed attention to Second Peter and Jude would be salutary. False notions are rife to-day with regard to apostolic authority. They can be corrected by our epistles. Peter as well as Paul exerts his authority not in an official or coldly ecclesiastical way, but with an inimitable brotherliness. The authority of the apostles is the authority of good news. Subjection to such authority is perfect freedom.

The authority which Peter and Jude urge upon their readers is a double authority—in the first place the authority of the Old Testament, and in the second place the authority of Christ exerted through the apostles. For us, however, the two become one. The apostles, like the Old Testament prophets, speak to us only through the Bible. We need to learn the lesson. A return to the Bible is the deepest need of the modern Church. It would mean a return to God.

(3) Insistence Upon Holiness.—The second characteristic of Second Peter and Jude is the insistence upon holiness. Religion is by no means always connected with goodness. In the Greco-Roman world, the two were often entirely separate. Many pagan[197] cults contained no ethical element whatever. The danger was therefore very great that Christianity might be treated in the same way. The early Christians needed to be admonished ever and again that their God was a God of righteousness, that no unclean thing could stand in his presence.

Insistence upon holiness is in itself no peculiarity of Second Peter and Jude. It runs all through the New Testament. But in these epistles it is directed more definitely perhaps than anywhere else against the opposite error. The opponents of Peter and Jude did not merely drift into immorality; they defended it on theoretical grounds. They were making a deliberate effort to reduce Christianity to the level of a non-ethical religion. Such theoretical defense of immorality appears, indeed, in a number of places in the apostolic Church. A certain party in Corinth, for example, made a wrong use of Christian freedom. But what is more or less incidental in First Corinthians forms the main subject of Second Peter and Jude. Christianity is here insisting upon its thoroughly ethical character.

At first sight the message might seem obsolete to-day. We always associate religion with morality; we can hardly understand how the two ever could have been separated. It is to be feared, however, that the danger is not altogether past. In our thoughts we preserve the ethical character of Christianity. But how is it with our lives? How is it with our religious observances? Are we not constantly in danger of making religion a mere cult, a mere emotional excitement, a mere means of gaining earthly or heavenly advantages, a mere effort to bribe God by our worship? The danger is always with us. We need always to remind ourselves that Christian faith must work itself out in holy living.

Peter in his second epistle has provided us with one important means to that end. It is the thought of Christ's coming. There can be no laxness in moral effort if we remember the judgment seat of Christ.

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In the Library.—Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp. 267-270, 282-285. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Warfield (supplemented), article on "Jude." M'Clymont, "The New Testament and Its Writers," pp. 137-143. Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary for English Readers," vol. iii, pp. 437-463, 505-519: Plummer, "The Second Epistle of St. Peter" and "The Epistle of St. Jude." Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," vol. ii, pp. 194-293. The last-named work is intended primarily for those who have some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by others.

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[198]

LESSON XXXVI

THE LIFE OF THE CHILDREN OF GOD

The Epistles of John

1. AUTHORSHIP OF THE FIRST EPISTLE

The First Epistle of John does not contain the name of its author. According to tradition, however, it was written by the apostle John, and tradition is here supported by the characteristics of the epistle itself. The author of the epistle was evidently the same as the author of the Fourth Gospel. The marked similarity in style can be explained in no other way. Even the careless reader observes that the style of the Fourth Gospel is very peculiar. Short sentences are joined to one another with the utmost simplicity; the vocabulary is limited, but contains expressions of extraordinary richness; the total effect is singularly powerful. These same characteristics, though they are so peculiar, appear also in the epistle. There is the same simplicity of sentence structure, the same use of such terms as "life" and "light" and "love," the same indescribable spirit and tone. Yet the epistle is no slavish imitation of the Gospel—differences stand side by side with the similarities. These two works are evidently related, not as model and copy, but as living productions of the same remarkable personality.

2. TESTIMONY OF AN EYEWITNESS

As in the Gospel, so also in the epistle the author presents himself clearly as an eyewitness of the life of Jesus, I John 1:1-3; 4:14; as in the Gospel he lays stress upon simple testimony. Even those things which have just been noticed as characteristic of his style are connected ultimately with the teaching of Jesus. In both Gospel and epistle, the beloved disciple has reproduced what he heard in Galilee and in Judea, though in both he has made the memory a living, spiritual fact.

3. DESTINATION AND DATE

The First Epistle of John is perhaps scarcely to be called an epistle at all. Practically all the characteristics of a letter are missing.[199] There is no address; there is no greeting at the close; there are no personal details. The readers are indeed referred to in the second person; but preachers as well as letter-writers say, "you." First John is a sort of general address written probably to some extended group of churches.

These churches are probably to be sought in Asia Minor. Throughout the epistle the readers are addressed in a fatherly tone. See, for example, ch. 2:1. Evidently the writer was well known as a sort of patriarch throughout an extended region. Such conditions prevailed in Asia Minor after the apostle John had begun to reside at Ephesus. Trustworthy tradition as well as the New Testament informs us of a period in the apostle's life when he had outlived all or most of the other apostles and was revered as the head of the Asian church. At some time within this period—probably nearer the end than the beginning—the First Epistle of John was written.

4. THE FALSE TEACHERS

The form of error against which the epistle is directed becomes clearest, perhaps in ch. 4:2,3. The false teachers had denied that Jesus Christ was come in the flesh. This may be interpreted in several different ways.

(1) Docetism.—In the first place, John may mean that the opponents simply denied the reality of the earthly life of Jesus. Such a form of error is by no means unknown in the history of the Church. It is called "Docetism." According to Docetism the Son of God did not really live a human life—with human sufferings and a human death—but only appeared to do so.

(2) Cerinthus.—In the second place, the meaning of the passage may be that the opponents denied the unity of the person of Jesus Christ. Compare ch. 2:22. Some persons in the early Church supposed that there were two separate persons in the figure that is described in the Gospels. A heavenly being, the Christ, it was thought, united himself with the man Jesus at the time when the dove descended after the baptism. Matt. 3:16,17. Such was the view of Cerinthus, who is declared by tradition to have been an opponent of the apostle John at Ephesus. It has been suggested, therefore, that it was actually Cerinthus, with his disciples, who is combated in the First Epistle of John.

(3) Denial of the Incarnation.—Both Cerinthus and the Docetists denied the reality of the incarnation—both denied that the Son of[200] God actually assumed a human nature and lived a complete human life. According to Cerinthus and others like him, the Christ stood only in somewhat loose relation to the man Jesus. He was united with him only late in life, he left him before the crucifixion. On this view, it was not the Christ who lay in the manger at Bethlehem, it was not the Christ who suffered on the cross. Cerinthus, like the Docetists, kept the Son of God out of any close relation to the world and to us.

(4) John's Reply.—Against some such view as one of these, John was concerned to establish the reality of the incarnation—the truth that "the Word became flesh." In the Gospel, that truth underlies the whole of the narrative; in the First Epistle it is directly defended against the opposing error. It is defended first of all by an appeal to what the writer had seen and heard. "We knew Jesus in Palestine," says John in effect, "and we can testify that Jesus himself was none other than the Christ, the Son of God." I John, 1:1-4.

(5) John, the Opponents, and Cerinthus.—The false teachers who are combated in the epistle had apparently withdrawn from the Church and formed a separate sect. I John 2:19. Their separateness of mind and heart and life had found expression‎ in open schism. Whether they are to be identified with disciples of Cerinthus is at least doubtful. False speculation about the person of Christ no doubt assumed many forms in the closing years of the first century.

5. CONNECTION BETWEEN THE SECOND AND THE THIRD EPISTLE

In III John 9, the apostle tells Gaius that he had written "somewhat unto the church." This letter to the church may have been written at some previous time. It is also possible, however, that it was written together with the letter to Gaius. The Greek word for "I wrote" admits of that interpretation. If that interpretation be correct, then John perhaps means to say that although he has written a letter to the church he could not in that letter urge the hospitable reception of the missionaries. For the present, the influence of Diotrephes was too strong. The letter to the church had to be concerned with other matters.

If this view of the letter mentioned in III John 9 be adopted, then the Second Epistle of John corresponds to the description. The Second Epistle is addressed to a church, and it is written with some reserve. If "certain" of the children of "the elect lady" were[201] walking in truth, II John 4, the inference is that others were conducting themselves very differently. Evidently there was danger of false teaching among the readers. Hospitality to men like Demetrius and his companions could hardly be expected of such a church. If hospitality should be practiced, it was only too likely to be hospitality to men of a very different stamp. Vs. 10, 11.

Possibly, therefore, the Second Epistle of John is actually the letter that is referred to in III John 9, a letter to the church of which Gaius was a member. This hypothesis is supported by the striking formal similarity of the two letters. They are of almost exactly the same length; the openings and especially the conclusions, II John 12, 13; III John 13, 14, are couched in almost exactly the same terms. They look very much like twin epistles, written on two sheets of papyrus of the same size.

Of course the hypothesis is by no means certain. Perhaps the letter referred to in III John 9 was a previous letter bespeaking hospitality, which had failed of its effect. When the apostle saw, from the answer or lack of answer to the previous letter, that the church was ill disposed, he had recourse to an individual member of it. Even in this case, however, it remains probable that our two epistles were written at about the same time.

6. VALUE OF THE SHORTER EPISTLES

These last two epistles of John do not deserve the neglect which they have sometimes suffered. Despite their brevity—they are the shortest books of the New Testament—they are instructive in a number of ways.

(1) Historical.—It is exceedingly interesting, for example, to compare them with the private letters of the same period which have recently been discovered in Egypt—see Lesson III, Teacher's Manual, in this course. In form, the opening of the Third Epistle is very much in the manner of the papyrus letters. Compare, for example, with III John 1-4 the following opening of a letter of the second century after Christ: "Apion to Epimachus his father and lord heartiest greetings. First of all I pray that you are in health and continually prosper and fare well with my sister and daughter and my brother. I thank the lord Serapis...." (The translation is that of Professor Milligan. See p. 20 of Teacher's Manual, Part I, of this course.) The differences, however, are even more instructive than the resemblances. What was said in Lesson I about the epistles of Paul applies in full measure to the epistles[202] of John. Even the epistolary forms are here modified so as to be the vehicle of a new message and a new spirit.

Furthermore, the two epistles, especially Third John, cast a flood of light upon the internal development of the Church. In one respect indeed the historical significance of the Third Epistle has sometimes been exaggerated. It is not true that we have here the emergence of the monarchical episcopate—that is, the preëminence of one presbyter, called a "bishop," over his brother presbyters. Diotrephes does not appear clearly as a bishop. At about A. D. 110 in the epistles of Ignatius the episcopate is very prominent; but Third John belongs to an earlier period.

Nevertheless, this concrete picture of the internal affairs of a late first-century church is absolutely unique. The period is very obscure; these few brief lines illumine it more than pages of narrative. The traveling preachers of Third John are particularly interesting. Similar missionaries appear also in the "Didache," a sort of church manual which may probably be dated in the early part of the second century. In that later period, however, care had to be taken lest the hospitality of the churches should be abused. "But let every apostle," says the writer—the word "apostle" is used in a very broad sense to designate wandering preachers—"who comes to you be received as the Lord. He shall remain, however, no more than one day, or if necessary two. If he remains three days he is a false prophet." Such precautions, we may be sure, were not needed in the case of Demetrius and his companions.

(2) Practical.—Despite its individual address and private character, the Third Epistle of John is not an ordinary private letter. Like all the books of the New Testament, it has a message for the entire Church. The devout reader rises from the perusal of it with a more steadfast devotion to the truth and a warmer glow of Christian love.

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In the Library.—Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp. 272-274, 294-308. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves (supplemented), article on "John, Epistles of." M'Clymont, "The New Testament and Its Writers," pp. 144-149. Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary for English Readers," vol. iii, pp. 467-502: Sinclair, "The Epistles of St. John." Westcott, "The Epistles of St. John." Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," vol. iii, pp. 355-384. The two last-named works are intended primarily for those who have some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by others.

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[203]

LESSON XXXVII

THE MESSAGES OF THE LIVING CHRIST

The Book of Revelation (First Lesson)

1. THE APOCALYPSE AND THE GOSPEL OF JOHN

In the Student's Text Book it was maintained that the Apocalypse was written by John the son of Zebedee. The strongest objection to this view is to be found in the striking difference of language and style which exists between the Apocalypse on the one side and the Gospel and Epistles of John on the other. The style of the Apocalypse is extraordinarily rough; in it the most elementary laws of Greek grammar are sometimes disregarded. Such peculiarities appear scarcely at all in the Gospel; the language of the Gospel, though simple, is perfectly grammatical.

This observation has led many scholars to decide that the Gospel and the Apocalypse never could have been written by the same person; the argument, indeed, was advanced as early as the third century by Dionysius of Alexandria. Those who thus deny the unity of authorship do not all reject either one book or the other as authoritative; some suppose that the John whose name appears in the Apocalypse, though not the same as John the son of Zebedee, was a genuine prophet.

The evidence, however, for attributing all the Johannine books to the son of Zebedee is exceedingly strong. If the Apocalypse is to be attributed to some one else, tradition is very seriously at fault, and it is also very difficult to see how another John could have introduced himself to the churches of Asia Minor in the way that the author does at the beginning and end of the book without distinguishing himself from the greater man of the same name who was residing at Ephesus at the very same time. The Apocalypse must therefore be assigned to the son of Zebedee unless there is absolutely unimpeachable evidence to the contrary.

Such evidence is not really forthcoming. The difference of style between the Apocalypse and the Fourth Gospel is capable of explanation.

(1) Possible Difference of Date.—In the first place, it might be[204] explained by a wide difference of date. If the Apocalypse was written at about A. D. 68, then an interval of some twenty-five years or more separates it from the Gospel. Such an interval would allow plenty of time for the style of the author to change. When the Galilean fisherman first left his home in Palestine, his command of the Greek language might conceivably be slight; whereas after a long residence in Asia Minor, as leader of a group of Greek-speaking churches, the roughness of his style would be removed. Hence the un-Greek, strongly Hebraistic usages of the Apocalypse would in the Gospel naturally give place to a correct, though simple style.

This hypothesis, however, is beset with serious difficulties. It is difficult to suppose that the Apocalypse was written before the closing decade of the first century. Some passages, it is true, have been strongly urged in favor of the early date. Particularly the reference to the seven kings in Rev. 17:10 has been thought by many excellent scholars to be decisive. The reference to the seven hills in the preceding verse seems to show that the "beast" represents Rome; the seven kings therefore naturally represent Roman emperors. The fifth emperor, beginning with Augustus, was Nero. If at the time when the book was written five were fallen, one was and the other was not yet come, v. 10, the book must apparently have been written under Nero's successor. His successor, Galba, reigned only a few months: the book was therefore written in A. D. 68 or 69. Or if the very brief reigns of Galba, Otho and Vitellius be not counted, then the book was written between A. D. 69 and 79, during the reign of Vespasian.

The passage remains, however, so obscure that it is very doubtful whether any one interpretation of it should be allowed to overbalance the evidence for the later date. Such evidence is abundant. Most weighty of all, perhaps, is the strong tradition which places the Apocalypse in the closing years of Domitian. It is hard to believe that that tradition is seriously at fault. The condition of the Church, moreover, as it is presupposed in the book, is more naturally to be sought at A. D. 95 than twenty-five years earlier. The persecution, for example, which the writer describes, seems far more like the persecution under Domitian than it is like the outbreak which was occasioned by the cruelty of Nero.

(2) The Difference of Subject.—If the later date be accepted, then the Gospel and the Apocalypse were written in the same period of the apostle's life, and the difference of style cannot be[205] explained by a difference of date. Another explanation, however, is sufficient. The difference between the two books may be explained by the total difference of subject. The Gospel is a narrative of Jesus' life, written with abundant opportunity for reflection; the Apocalypse is a record of wonderful visions, where stylistic nicety would have marred the immediateness of the revelation. The very roughness of the Apocalypse is valuable as expressing the character of the book. In the Gospel, John brought to bear all his power of reflection and of expression‎; in the Apocalypse, he wrote in haste under the overpowering influence of a transcendent experience.

The grammatical irregularities of the Apocalypse, moreover, often create the impression that they are intentional. They belonged, apparently, to an apocalyptic style which to a certain extent had already been formed; they were felt to be suited to the peculiar character of the work.

Finally, it must not be forgotten that side by side with the differences of style there are some remarkable similarities. The underlying unity of thought and expression‎ points to unity of authorship.

2. CHARACTERISTICS OF THE APOCALYPSE

(1) A Record of Visions.—In what has just been said, the dominant peculiarity of the Apocalypse has already been indicated. The Apocalypse is no careful literary composition, pieced together from previous works of a similar character. On the contrary, it is a record of genuine revelations. Before writing, the seer was "in the Spirit."

(2) Influence of the Old Testament.—Nevertheless, although the Apocalypse is a record of visions, and was written consciously under the impulsion of the Spirit, it is by no means uninfluenced by previous works. To a degree that is perhaps not paralleled by any other New Testament book, the Apocalypse is suffused with the language and with the imagery of the Old Testament. Though there is not a single formal quotation, the Old Testament Scriptures have influenced almost every sentence of the book. Particularly the books of Ezekiel and Daniel, which, like the Apocalypse, are composed largely of the records of visions, have supplied much of the imagery of the New Testament work.

This wide-spread influence of the Old Testament upon the Apocalypse is by no means surprising. The Apocalypse is based[206] upon direct revelation, but direct revelation is not necessarily out of relation to everything else. On the contrary, it uses the language which its recipients can understand; and part of the language of the apostle John was the phraseology and imagery of the Old Testament.

It has already been hinted that works very similar in form to the Apocalypse are to be found in the Old Testament. This apocalyptic form was continued in a number of Jewish works written after the conclusion of the Old Testament canon. Superficially these works bear considerable resemblance to the New Testament Apocalypse; but closer examination reveals profound differences. The Jewish apocalypses appeared under assumed names—the most important of them under the name of Enoch—while John is so firmly convinced of having received genuine revelation that he requires no such spurious authority for his work. The similarity between our Apocalypse and its extra-canonical Jewish predecessors and contemporaries is a similarity at most of form; in spirit and content the difference is incalculable. Unlike these other works, the Apocalypse is a genuine prophecy.

3. THE MESSAGES TO THE SEVEN CHURCHES

The so-called letters to the seven churches were never intended to be circulated separately. From the beginning the letters formed part of the Apocalypse, which was addressed to all seven of the churches. From the beginning, therefore, each of the letters was intended to be read not only by the church whose name it bears, but also by all the others. The seven churches, moreover, are representative of the Church at large.

Nevertheless, despite the universal purpose of the letters, they are very concrete in the information that they provide about the churches in Asia Minor. Like the Second and Third Epistles of John they illumine an exceedingly obscure period in the history of Christianity.

(1) The "Angels" of the Churches.—Some details in the letters, it is true, are to us obscure. What, for example, is meant by the "angels" of the churches to which the several letters are addressed? The Greek word translated "angel" may also mean simply "messenger." Conceivably, it might designate merely a congregational officer. Many have supposed that it designates a bishop. In the epistles of Ignatius, which were written not very many years after the Apocalypse, the term "bishop" is applied to an officer who had[207]supreme authority over a congregation including the presbyters. The appearance of these "angels" or "messengers" in the Apocalypse has been urged as proof that John as well as Ignatius recognized the institution of the episcopacy.

Surely, however, the matter is more than doubtful. The Greek word used, whether it be translated "angel" or "messenger," is a very strange designation of a bishop. Moreover, in the rest of the Johannine literature there is no recognition of the episcopacy. In the Third Epistle of John, for example, even if Diotrephes had set himself up as a bishop—which is itself exceedingly doubtful—his claim is certainly not accepted by the apostle.

On the whole, it seems better to regard the "angels" to which the seven letters of the Apocalypse are addressed merely as ideal representatives of the churches—representatives conceived of perhaps as guardian angels. Compare Matt. 18:10.

(2) The Nicolaitans.—Another puzzling question concerns the "Nicolaitans" who appear in several of the letters. The name itself is obscure. By tradition it is connected with that Nicolaüs of Antioch who was one of the seven men appointed in the early days of the Jerusalem church to attend to the administration of charity. Acts 6:5. The tradition may possibly be correct. If it is correct, then Nicolaüs, in his later life, had not justified the confidence originally reposed in him.

At the first mention of the Nicolaitans, in the letter to Ephesus, Rev. 2:6, nothing whatever is said about their tenets. Their error, however, was not merely theoretical, but practical, for it was their "works" that the Lord is represented as hating. In the letter to Pergamum, the Nicolaitans are probably meant in v. 14. Like Balaam, they enticed the people of God to idolatry and impurity. The form which their idolatry took was the eating of meats offered to idols. The question of meats offered to idols was no simple matter. In the First Epistle to the Corinthians Paul had permitted the eating of such meats under certain circumstances, but had sternly forbidden it wherever it involved real or supposed participation in idolatrous worship. The form in which it was favored by the Nicolaitans evidently fell under the latter category. In a time of persecution, the temptation to guilty compromise with heathenism must have been insidious; and also the low morality of the Asian cities threatened ever and again to drag Christian people back into the impure life of the world.

In the letter to Thyatira, also, "the woman Jezebel" is apparently[208] to be connected with the same sect, for the practical faults in Thyatira and in Pergamum were identical. Jezebel, the Phœnician wife of Ahab, was, like Balaam, a striking Old Testament example of one who led Israel into sin. It is significant that the woman Jezebel in Thyatira called herself a prophetess. Rev. 2:20. This circumstance seems to indicate that the Nicolaitans had excused their moral laxness by an appeal to special revelations. The impression is confirmed by v. 24. Apparently the Nicolaitans had boasted of their knowledge of the "deep things," and had despised the simple Christians who contented themselves with a holy life. At any rate, whatever particular justification the Nicolaitans advanced for their immoral life, they could not deceive the all-searching eye of Christ. Their "deep things" were deep things, not of God, but of Satan!

Who is meant by "the woman Jezebel"? Some interpreters, who suppose that the "angel" of the church was the bishop, regard Jezebel as a designation of the bishop's wife. This whole interpretation is, however, beset with serious difficulty. Perhaps "the woman Jezebel" does not refer to an individual at all, but is simply a figurative designation of the Nicolaitan sect. The description of the coming retribution in vs. 21-23 seems to be highly figurative.

It will be observed that the sin of the churches at Pergamum and Thyatira was not limited to those who actually accepted the Nicolaitan teaching. Even to endure the presence of the guilty sect was the object of the Lord's rebuke. Toward the works of the Nicolaitans only hatred was in place. Rev. 2:6. That is a solemn lesson for modern indifferentism. Tolerance is good; but there are times when it is a deadly sin.

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In the Library.—Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp. 274, 308-312. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves (supplemented), article on "Revelation." M'Clymont, "The New Testament and Its Writers," pp. 150-155. Milligan, "Lectures on the Apocalypse" and "Discussions on the Apocalypse." Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary for English Readers," vol. iii, pp. 523-641: Carpenter, "The Revelation of St. John." Ramsay, "The Letters to the Seven Churches of Asia." Plumptre, "A Popular Exposition of the Epistles to the Seven Churches of Asia." Swete, "The Apocalypse of St. John." Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," vol. iii, pp. 384-449. The two last-named works are intended primarily for those who have some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by others.

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[209]

LESSON XXXVIII

A VISION OF THE FINAL TRIUMPH

The Book of Revelation (Second Lesson)

1. THE INTERPRETATIONS OF THE APOCALYPSE

The interpretations of the Apocalypse may be divided into four classes.

(1) Unfulfilled Prophecies.—According to one method of interpretation, the prophecies of the book are all unfulfilled. In the last days there will be a mighty revival of evil like that which is symbolized by the dragon and the beast and the false prophet, there will be plagues and woes like those which are described in connection with the seals and the trumpets and the bowls, and there will be a triumph of God's people and an eternal blessedness of the new Jerusalem. This interpretation would place the Apocalypse out of analogy with the other prophecies of the Bible. Prophecy is seldom out of all connection with the immediate present. Even where the prophetic vision reaches to the very end of time, the fulfillment or the preparation for the fulfillment is usually represented as beginning at once. In the Apocalypse, as in other prophecy, there is evident reference to the circumstances of the original readers.

(2) Contemporary Events.—A second method of interpretation goes to an opposite extreme. By this method the prophecies of the book are thought to be concerned merely with events of the writer's own age. "The beast" is the Roman Empire; "Babylon" is the city of Rome; the author expected the destruction of both to take place within a few years' time. In its thoroughgoing form this interpretation also is to be rejected. It degrades the Apocalypse to the level of a mistaken prediction, and reduces the self-evidencing glories of the book to trivialities. Evidently the outlook of the seer was far broader and far more spiritual than it is represented by the advocates of this interpretation.

(3) The Whole History of the Church.—By a third method of interpretation, the first two methods are combined. The book is written distinctly in view of conditions of the first century, its predictions concern partly the immediate future; but there is also[210] an outlook upon remoter ages. By this interpretation the prophecies are held to provide an epitome of the whole of history from the first coming of Christ to his second coming.

(4) Mixture of Discordant Traditions.—A fourth method of interpretation, which has become influential in very recent years, abandons all hope of discovering a unitary message in the book, and proceeds to divide it into its component parts. The analysis was carried on first by literary criticism. An older work of the time of Nero was supposed to have been revised at a later period; or non-Christian Jewish works were supposed to have been incorporated in the present work by a Christian compiler. This sort of literary criticism has in the last few years given place sometimes to a subtler method. Investigation is now directed to the materials of which the book is composed, whether those materials were embodied in previous literary works or only in previous traditions. The ultimate source of much of the material is found in Babylonia or other eastern countries; this material is thought to be not always in accord with the context into which in our Apocalypse it has been introduced.

This method must emphatically be rejected. It contains, indeed, an element of truth. Undoubtedly the Apocalypse makes use of already-existing materials. But these materials are, for the most part at least, of genuinely Hebrew origin; and they have been thoroughly assimilated for the purposes of the present prophecy. The Apocalypse is not a compilation full of contradictions, but a unitary work, with one great message for the Church.

(5) Wrong Use of the Third Method.—Of these four methods of interpretation the third has been adopted in the Student's Text Book. The prophecies of the Apocalypse concern the entire history of the Church. Undoubtedly this interpretation is subject to abuse. It has been employed in the interests of special controversy, as when the Protestants saw in the scarlet woman a representation of papal Rome.

(6) Principles, Not Individual Facts.—All such abuses may be avoided, however, if the interpreter will remember that the book deals with great principles, rather than with individual facts. The beast is neither the Roman Catholic Church, nor the religion of Mohammed, nor the Turkish Empire. Undoubtedly it expressed itself in some phases of each of those institutions. But no one of them can be identified with it outright. The beast of the Apocalypse is nothing less than the blatant, godless power of worldly empire, however that power may be manifested. At the time of John it[211] was manifested especially in the empire of Rome. Even Rome, however, cannot be identified with the beast entirely without qualification. Even Rome had its beneficent side. John as well as Paul, even in the fire of persecution, might have expressed the thought of Rom. 13:1-7. Peter also wrote in the midst of persecution; yet Peter could say, "Be subject to every ordinance of man for the Lord's sake: whether to the king, as supreme; or unto governors, as sent by him for vengeance on evil-doers and for praise to them that do well." I Peter 2:13,14.

The other side of Rome's power, it is true, was prominent at the close of the first century. More systematically than before, Rome had begun to persecute the Church of God. By the demand of emperor-worship she had tried to put her stamp upon the followers of Jesus. Through her priesthood she had endeavored to lead men astray. In these things she was a manifestation of the beast. As such she was execrated and resisted to the death by every loyal Christian. There could be no hope of compromise. Hope lay rather in the power of God. God would give the just reward; God would give the final victory. Such was the message of the Apocalypse.

The message is of perennial value. The beast is not yet dead. His methods are different, but still he oppresses the Church. Wherever his power is felt—whether in ruthless oppression or impious warfare or degrading superstition—there the prophecy of John is a comfort and an inspiration to the people of God.

Undoubtedly this method of interpretation, which detects in the book principles rather than individual facts, involves a reduction in the amount of direct information which the Apocalypse may be thought to give. A detailed account, whether of the progress of the Church, or of the final catastrophe, is by this interpretation no longer found in the book.

2. THE THOUSAND YEARS

At one point at least, this conclusion has been regarded by many devout Christians as involving a serious loss. That point is concerned with the thousand years of Rev. 20:1-8. According to the interpretation that has just been advocated, the thousand years are merely a symbol for the time of the present Christian dispensation, and the rule which the saints are represented as bearing with Christ probably refers to the condition of the blessed dead up to the final resurrection. To many devout readers of the Bible this interpretation[212] seems to be an impoverishment of the prophet's words. In reality, they maintain, the passage predicts a return of Jesus to earth before the final judgment, and a long period of his blessed sway.

Undoubtedly this more literal interpretation of the millennium seems at first sight to be required by certain phrases of the passage. But the highly figurative character of apocalyptic language must always be borne in mind. Numbers, in the Apocalypse, are usually symbolic; so it may be with the thousand years. During the present dispensation Satan is in one sense bound, and in another sense he is free. In principle he has been conquered; but in the sphere of worldly power he continues to work his wrathful will.

3. THE CHRISTIAN HOPE

One thing at least is clear. No interpretation of the Apocalypse is correct if it fails to do justice to the hope of Christ's return. If the figurative interpretation weakens our expectation of that dread meeting with the Lord, then it is untrue to the mind of the Spirit. There are difficulties connected with the idea of a literal millennium; but such difficulties are inconsiderable in comparison with those that result from any rationalizing, any explaining away, of the universal Christian hope. The Apocalypse, according to any right interpretation, is a vision of final triumph.

That triumph is a triumph of Christ. Back of all the lurid imagery of the book, back of the battles and the woes, and back of the glories of God's people, stands the figure of the Saviour. With him the book began, and with him, too, it ends. He is the same who lived the life of mercy and of glory on earth, the same who died for our sins on the cross. To the Lamb all power is given—all power in heaven and on earth. By him all enemies are conquered; by him the whole earth will be judged. To those who bear the mark of the beast he is an Avenger; to his Church he is an ever-living Saviour.

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In the Library.—The reading suggested under Lesson XXXVII is intended for both of the lessons on the Apocalypse.

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[213]

LESSON XXXIX

REVIEW

This review lesson is fully as important as any other lesson of the first three quarters. Without reviewing, the study of history is unproductive; only a review can make of the facts a permanent possession. The story of the apostolic age, as it is narrated in the work of Luke, is really very simple; it becomes confusing only when it is imperfectly mastered. A little time spent in turning over the pages of the Lucan narrative, or even of the Student's Text Book, will accomplish wonders.

1. UNANSWERED QUESTIONS

The New Testament account of the apostolic age is indeed only fragmentary. Many questions must be left unanswered. Of the original twelve apostles only Peter and the sons of Zebedee and Judas Iscariot receive in The Acts anything more than a bare mention; and even the most prominent of these disappears after the fifteenth chapter. What did Paul do in Arabia and in Tarsus? What was the origin of the great church at Alexandria? Who founded the church at Rome? These questions, and many like them, must forever remain unanswered.

If, moreover, even the period covered by The Acts is obscure, far deeper is the darkness after the guiding hand of Luke has been withdrawn. For the death of the apostle Paul, there is only a meager tradition; the latter years of Peter are even more obscure. For the important period between the release of Paul after his first Roman imprisonment and the death of the apostle John at about the end of the first century, anything like a connected narrative is quite impossible.

2. THE NERONIAN PERSECUTION

A few facts, however, may still be established. The Roman historian Tacitus tells of a persecution of the Christians at Rome at the time of the burning of the city in A. D. 64. The emperor Nero, suspected of starting the fire, sought to remove suspicion from himself by accusing the Christians. The latter had already become[214] unpopular because of their peculiar ways, and were thought to be guilty of abominable crimes; but the cruelty of Nero almost exceeded the wishes of the populace. The Christians were put to death under horrible tortures. Many were burned, and their burning bodies served as torches to illumine the emperor's gardens.

The beheading of Paul has often been brought into connection with this persecution, but more probably it occurred a few years later. Paul had been released from his first imprisonment, and his second imprisonment, at the time of the Neronian outbreak, had not yet begun.

The extent of the Neronian persecution cannot be determined with certainty. Probably, however, although there was no systematic persecution throughout the empire, the provinces would not be altogether unaffected by what was happening at Rome. The causes of popular and official disfavor were always present; it required only a slight occasion to bring them actively into play.

3. THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM

Even more important than the Roman persecution of A. D. 64 was the destruction of Jerusalem in A. D. 70. At the outbreak of the war which culminated in that catastrophe, the Jerusalem Christians took refuge in Pella, east of the Jordan; Jerusalem ceased to be the center of the Christian Church. After the war, the Jerusalem church never regained its old position of leadership; and specifically Jewish Christianity, suffering by the destruction of the national Jewish life, ceased to be influential in Christian history.

4. THE PROGRESS OF THE GOSPEL

From the years between the destruction of Jerusalem and the closing years of the century, scarcely any definite incidents can be enumerated. Undoubtedly the missionary activity of the Church was continuing; the gospel was making rapid progress in its conquest of the empire. In this missionary activity probably many of the twelve apostles were engaged; but details of their work are narrated for the most part only in late tradition.

5. JOHN AT EPHESUS

At some time—whether before or after A. D. 70 is uncertain—the apostle John went to Ephesus, and there became the leader of the Asian church. Detailed information about his position and the churches under his care is provided not only in trustworthy tradition—especially[215]that which comes through Irenæus from Polycarp, the hearer of John—but also in the writings of John himself. The two shorter epistles of John, though each embraces only a small page, are extraordinarily rich in information about congregational matters, and even more instructive are the seven messages of the Apocalypse. By means of the latter the moral condition of the church in Asia Minor is characterized with a vividness that is scarcely to be paralleled for any other period of the apostolic age.

6. THE PERSECUTION UNDER DOMITIAN

During the latter part of the residence of John in Asia Minor there was an important event in the history of the Church. This was the outbreak of the persecution under Domitian—a persecution which apparently exceeded in extent, if not in severity, every persecution that had preceded it. Under Domitian the Roman authorities became definitely hostile; apostasy from Christ was apparently demanded systematically of the Christians—apostasy from Christ and adhesion to the imperial cult. The latter, in the Apocalypse, is represented as an example of the mark of "the beast"; the Roman Empire, as would have been unnatural in the days of Paul, appears in that book as an incorporation of Satanic power. The long conflict between the Church and the empire had at last begun. Which side would be victorious? In the Apocalypse the answer is plain. The Lord himself was fighting for his Church!

7. THE NEW TESTAMENT GOSPEL

Our knowledge of the apostolic age, though fragmentary, is sufficient—sufficient not indeed for a complete history, but for the requirements of Christian faith. The information provided in the New Testament makes up in quality for what it lacks in quantity. Its extraordinary vividness and concreteness possesses a self-evidencing value. The life of the apostle Paul—revealed with unmistakable fidelity—is itself a sufficient bulwark against historical skepticism; it involves inevitably the supernatural Christ. The gospel is no aspiration in the hearts of dreamers; it is a real entrance of divine power into the troubled battle field of human history. God was working in the apostolic Church, God is speaking in the New Testament—there is the summation of our study.

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PART IV:

The Apostolic Church and the
Church of To-Day

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LESSON XL

THE CHURCH AND THE WORLD

The apostolic Church, as was observed in the Student's Text Book, found itself from the beginning in the midst of an environment more or less actively hostile. If we had been in Jerusalem at about the year 30, we should have observed a small group of disciples of Jesus, outwardly conforming to Jewish customs, but inwardly quite different from their countrymen. In Corinth and in other pagan cities of the Greco-Roman world, the contrast between the Church and its environment was even more striking; these cities were sunk in superstition and vice; the Church was leading, in the eyes of the world, a very peculiar life.

The presence of a common enemy led in the apostolic age to a closer union among the Christians themselves, and so it will always be. When Christian people realize the power of the enemy against whom they are all fighting, then they will have no time to fight among themselves. The Christian life is a warfare against sin—sin in a thousand deadly forms. In such a warfare, if we are to be good soldiers, we must all stand shoulder to shoulder.

The apostolic Church was waging an audacious warfare against the intrenched forces of heathenism and sin. Fortunately it had a Leader; and by that Leader alone it won the victory. The Leader was Christ. The primary relation of the soldier is the relation to the commander; the relation of the individual soldiers to one another is dependent upon that. So we shall study to-day the lordship of Christ; by that study, the work of the whole quarter will be introduced.

1. TERMS DESCRIPTIVE OF DISCIPLESHIP

The lordship of Christ may profitably be studied by an examination of some of the various names which in the New Testament are applied to the Church and its individual members. The individual titles should be studied first. After all, the Church exists for the individual believer rather than the individual believer for the Church. The primary relation is the relation between Christ and the individual soul. Brotherhood comes only through the union of individuals with a common Lord.

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(1) "Christians."—Probably the first title that occurs to us to-day to designate the individual members of the Church is the title "Christian"; yet as a matter of fact that title appears only three times in the New Testament, and then only as it was taken from the lips of unbelievers. In accordance with the explicit testimony of Acts 11:26, the name was given for the first time at Antioch; it had no place, therefore, in the early Jerusalem church. A moment's thought will reveal the reason. The name "Christians" would have meant to a Jew adherents of the "Christ," or the "Messiah." Obviously no Jew would have applied such a name specifically to the disciples of Jesus; for all the Jews, in one sense or another, were adherents of the Messiah. The Jews were adherents of him by way of anticipation; the disciples thought he had already appeared; but all earnest Jews alike would have rejoiced to be called by his name.

Evidently the name was applied in Antioch by the pagan population. The Church had become so clearly separate from Judaism that a separate name for it was required. The name "Christian" suggested itself very naturally. "Jesus Christ" was forever on the lips of these strange enthusiasts! "The Christ" was indeed also spoken of by the Jews, but only careful observers would necessarily be aware of the fact. The Messianic hope was an internal concern of the synagogues, with which outsiders would usually have little to do. The new sect, on the other hand, brought the title "Christ" out from its seclusion; "Christ" to these enthusiasts was something more than a title, it was becoming almost a proper name; like "Jesus," it was a designation of the Founder of the sect, and accordingly the adjective derived from it could be used to designate the sect itself.

In Acts 26:28, the name appears as used by Agrippa; in I Peter 4:16, also, it is evidently taken from the lips of the opponents of the faith. The Christians, however, Peter implies, need not be ashamed of the name which has been fastened upon them. Rather let them strive to be worthy of it! It is the highest honor to be called by the name of Christ; and if they are true "Christians," their confession will redound to the glory of God.

In modern times, the name is often misapplied; the use of it is broadened and weakened. Nations are declared to be Christian although only a very small percentage of their citizens really deserve the name; teaching is called Christian though it is only similar in some respects to the teaching of Christ. Such a use of terms[221] should be avoided wherever possible; the original poignancy of the designation should be restored. Properly speaking, "Christian" means not "like Christ" but "subject to Christ." A Christian is not one who admires Christ or is impressed with Christ's teaching or tries to imitate Christ, but one to whom Christ is Saviour and Lord.

Are we willing to be known as "Christians" in that sense? At the time of First Peter, it would have been a serious question; an affirmative answer would have meant persecution and perhaps death. But it is also a serious question to-day. Confession of Christ involves solemn responsibilities; dishonor to the "Christian" means dishonor to Christ; the unworthy servant is a dishonor to his Master. But let us not fear; Christ is Helper as well as Lord.

(2) "Disciples."—The earliest designation of the followers of Jesus was "disciples" or "learners"; during the earthly ministry perhaps scarcely any other designation was commonly used. Jesus appeared at first as a teacher; the form of his work was somewhat like that of other teachers of the Jews. Nevertheless, although he was a teacher from the beginning, he was also from the beginning something more. He had not only authority, but also power; he was not only Teacher, but also Saviour. His followers were not merely instructed, but were received into fellowship; and that fellowship made of them new men. "Disciples" in the Gospels is more than "learners" or "students"; it is a fine, warm, rich word; the Teacher was also Friend and Lord.

The same term was continued in the early Palestinian Church, and the resurrection had brought an incalculable enrichment of its meaning. The "disciples" were not merely those who remembered the words of Jesus, but those who had been redeemed by his blood and were living now in the power of his Holy Spirit. If we use the term, let it be in the same lofty sense. Let us be learners, indeed; let us hear the words of Jesus, as they are recorded in the Gospels; but let us hear them not from a dead teacher, but ever anew from the living Lord.

(3) "Saints."—A third designation is "saints." This term is used as a title of the Christians in Acts 9:13,32,41; 26:10, and frequently in the epistles of Paul and in the Apocalypse. Its use in the New Testament is very different from some uses of it that appeared at a later time. The Roman Catholics, for example, employ the term as a title of honor for a number of persons carefully limited by the Church; Protestants often designate by it persons[222] of exceptional purity or goodness. In the New Testament, on the contrary, the title "saints" is clearly applied to all Christians.

In the original Greek the word is exactly the same as a word meaning "holy"; it is simply the adjective "holy" used as a noun. "Saints," therefore, really means "holy persons." Unfortunately, however, the word "holy," as well as the word "saint" has undergone modifications of usage. "Holy," in the Bible, is not simply another word for "good" or "righteous," but expresses a somewhat different idea. It has the idea of "sacred" or "separate"—separate from the world. God is holy not merely because he is good, but because he is separate. Undoubtedly his goodness is one attribute—perhaps the chief attribute—that constitutes the separateness; but other attributes also have their place. His omnipotence and his infinitude, as well as his goodness, make him "holy."

The word "holy" or "saint" as applied to Christians has fundamentally the same meaning. Believers are "holy" because they are in communion with the holy God and therefore separate from the world. Undoubtedly the most obvious element in their separateness is their goodness; the moral implications of the term "holy" are sometimes so prominent that the specific meaning of the word seems obscured. But that specific meaning is probably never altogether lost. Christians are called "saints" because they are citizens, not of the present evil world, but of a heavenly kingdom.

The familiar word, thus interpreted, has a startling lesson for the modern Church. Can modern Christians be called "saints," in the New Testament sense? Are we really separate from the world? Are we really "a chosen generation, a royal priesthood, an holy nation, a peculiar people" (A. V.)? Do we really feel ourselves to be strangers and pilgrims in the earth? Or are we rather salt that has lost its savor? Have we become merged in the life of the world?

(4) "Brethren."—A fourth designation is concerned, not with the relation of the believer to Christ or to the world, but with the relation of believers among themselves. That designation is "brethren." It is a very simple word; it requires little explanation; the rich meaning of it will be unfolded in the whole of this quarter's study.

(5) "Church."—After studying the New Testament terms that denote the disciples of Jesus individually, it will now be well to turn for a moment to the chief designation of the body of disciples considered[223] as a unit. That designation is "church," or in the Greek form, "ecclesia."

The word "ecclesia" is in itself a very simple term indeed. It is derived from the verb "call" and the preposition "out." An "ecclesia" is a body of persons called out from their houses to a common meeting place, in short it is simply an "assembly," and an assembly of any kind. This simple use of the word is found in Acts 19:32,39,41; the Greek word which is there translated "assembly" is exactly the same word as that which is elsewhere translated "church."

Even before New Testament times, however, the word had begun to be used in a special, religious sense. Here, as so often, the Septuagint translation of the Old Testament prepared the way for New Testament usage. In the Septuagint the word "ecclesia" was used to denote the solemn assembly of the people of Israel. That assembly was of course religious as well as political; for Israel was a theocratic nation. Hence it was no abrupt transition from previous usage when the New Testament writers selected the word "ecclesia" to denote the Christian congregation.

In the New Testament, the word is used in various ways. In the first place, it designates the body of Christians who lived in any particular place. So, for example, the epistles of Paul are addressed to individual "churches." In the second place, however, the word designates the whole body of Christians throughout the world. This usage is prominent in the Epistle to the Ephesians, but it also appears even in the Gospels, in the memorable words of Jesus at Cæsarea Philippi. Matt. 16:18. It is a wonderfully grand conception which is thus disclosed by the familiar word. "The Church" is a chosen people, ruled by the Lord himself, a mighty army, engaged, not in earthly warfare, but in a spiritual campaign of salvation and love.

(6) "The Kingdom of God."—One further conception requires at least a word. What is meant by "the kingdom of God"? This conception is evidently related to the conception of "the Church," but the two are not identical. The kingdom of God is simply that place or that condition where God rules. As the kingdom of Cæsar was the territory over which Cæsar held sway, so the kingdom of God is the realm where God's will is done. In one sense, of course, the kingdom of God embraces the whole universe, for nothing is beyond the reach of God's power. But in the New Testament the term is used in a far deeper sense; it is used to denote the realm[224] where God's will is done, not of necessity, but by willing submission. Wherever human hearts and wills are in true accord with the will of God, there the "kingdom" has come.

In one sense the kingdom of God belongs to the future age. It is never realized fully upon earth; there is here always some lurking trace of sinful resistance. Nevertheless, in the New Testament the kingdom is by no means always represented as future. Though it has not yet been fully realized, it is already present in principle; it is present especially in the Church. The Church gives clear, though imperfect, expression‎ to the idea of the kingdom; the Church is a people whose ruler is God.

Entrance into the Church is not to be obtained by human effort; it is the free gift of God through the Lord Jesus Christ. No other gift is so glorious. If we are members of that chosen people, we need fear nothing in heaven or on earth.

2. PRACTICAL CONCLUSIONS

Two lessons should be conveyed by our study of to-day: in the first place the lesson of separateness, and in the second place the lesson of unity. Neither can be truly learned without the other. There can be no true Christian unity if individual members of the Christian body make common cause with the unbelieving world. A knowledge of the common enemy will draw us all into closer fellowship. That fellowship need not necessarily be expressed in a common organization; but it will be expressed at least in a common service. Separateness from the world will not mean leaving the world to its fate; the Christian salvation will be offered freely to all. But the gravity of the choice should never, by any false urbanity, be disguised. It is no light difference whether a man is within the people of God or without; there is a definite line of demarcation, and the passing of it means the transition from death into life.

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In the Library.—Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": articles on "Church," "Disciple," "Christian." Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible": Gayford, article on "Church." Hort, "The Christian Ecclesia." Charteris, "The Church of Christ." Westcott, "The Two Empires: The Church and the World," in "The Epistles of St. John," pp. 250-282. "The Epistle to Diognetus," introduction and translation in Lightfoot, "The Apostolic Fathers," pp. 487-489, 501-511. Erdman, "Coming to the Communion."

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LESSON XLI

THE CHRISTIAN MESSAGE

1. A PHILOSOPHY, OR A TESTIMONY?

In the Student's Text Book the Christian message has been represented as primarily a piece of good news, a story of something that happened. That representation does not pass unchallenged to-day. Many suppose that the message of the apostles was concerned simply with reflection upon eternal truths. For centuries, it is said in effect, men had been reflecting upon the problems of God and the world and sin; what the apostles did in Jerusalem and elsewhere was simply to provide better instruction on these great themes; Jesus had taught men that God is a Father, the apostles simply continued his teaching.

Such a view, of course, can be held only by rejecting or distorting the testimony of the New Testament. If the book of The Acts is correct, if Paul is correct, then the preaching that founded the apostolic Church was not better instruction about old facts, but information about a new fact. Before Jesus came, the world was lost under sin; but Jesus lived and died and rose again, and gave salvation to all who would receive. According to the New Testament, Jesus did not come to tell men that they were God's children; he came to make them God's children. John 1:12; Gal. 4:3-5. Without him they were under God's wrath and curse; but by faith in him, by acceptance of his sacrifice of himself for them, by receiving from his Spirit the power to believe, they could call God Father. On the day of Pentecost Jesus was presented as more than a Teacher; he was presented as a Saviour.

2. THE EFFECTS OF THE MESSAGE

(1) In the Apostolic Age.—The effects of that presentation have been considered briefly in the Student's Text Book, and what was said there might easily be supplemented. The conversion of the three thousand was only a beginning. The new spirit of the Christian community, the brotherly love and holy joy of the disciples, indeed everything that will be treated in the lessons of the[226] quarter, were the result of a simple piece of news. By the wise men of the world—then as now—the message was despised, but "the foolishness of God is wiser than men; and the weakness of God is stronger than men." I Cor. 1:25.

This lesson offers a singular opportunity to the teacher. The Christian message in the apostolic Church was a message of power. The story of its progress is full of dramatic vigor; it appeals even to the non-Christian historian. The story of the apostolic age is full of surprises—the sudden transformation of bitter Jewish enemies into humble disciples; the triumphant spread of the faith when everything seemed opposed; the establishment of Christian churches in the very centers of pagan vice; the astonishingly rapid preparation for the conquest of the empire; and all this accomplished not by worldly wisdom, but by simple men who only had a bit of news—a bit of news, and God!

(2) In the History of the Church.—The triumphs of the gospel, however, were not confined to the age of the apostles. The apostolic age was prophetic of the Christian centuries. There were many days of darkness; but the Church always emerged again triumphant. So it will be to-day. God has not deserted his people; he will attest his truth with the power of his Spirit; there is no room for discouragement. One thing, however, should be remembered; the victories of the Church are victories, not of brilliant preachers, not of human wisdom or human goodness, but of the cross of Christ. Under that banner all true conquests move.

3. THE PRESENTATION OF THE MESSAGE

The Christian message was presented in the apostolic Church in many different ways. The gospel was everywhere essentially the same, but the presentation of it was adapted to the needs of particular hearers, and the understanding of it became ever more complete under the illumination of the Holy Spirit. It is interesting to collect the various types of missionary speeches that are found in the New Testament.

(1) The Missionary Preaching of the Jerusalem Church.—The early chapters of The Acts preserve a number of speeches that were addressed to Jews. As might have been expected, these speeches are intended primarily to prove the Messiahship of Jesus. If that could be proved, then—among the Jews—the rest would follow. The Messiahship was proved first by an appeal to the Scriptures, and second by the fact of the resurrection. Even the death of Jesus on[227] the cross, which was to the Jews a stumblingblock, was predicted by the prophets, and so served to prove that Jesus was the promised One. The resurrection was also predicted; and the resurrection was established first by the simple testimony of eyewitnesses and second by the wonderful works of the living Christ.

These early speeches contain only a little of the full truth of the gospel. In them, for example, the significance of the death of Christ as an atonement for sin is not fully explained. Such omissions were due no doubt to two causes.

(a) Limitations Due to the Hearers.—In the first place, the peculiar needs of the hearers had to be considered. The hearers were Jews; to them the death of the Messiah was an unheard-of paradox; to them the cross was a stumblingblock. Before the inner meaning of the crucifixion could be explained, obviously the objections derived from it needed to be overcome. The first task of the missionaries was to show that Jesus, although he had been crucified, was the Messiah. That was done by an appeal to prophecy and to the plain fact of the resurrection. After conviction had thus been produced, it would be time enough to show that what was at first regarded as a stumblingblock was really the supreme act of divine grace.

(b) Limitations Due to an Early Stage of Revelation.—The omissions in the early speeches were due, however, not merely to the peculiar needs of the hearers, but also to limitations in the knowledge of the apostles. Christian truth was not all revealed at once; undoubtedly the full explanation of the cross, the full exposition of the atonement, was revealed only when the disciples could bear it. Such is the divine method, even in revelation. The disciples were brought gradually, by the gracious leading of the Holy Spirit, into ever richer knowledge of the truth.

(c) The Significance of the Cross.—Nevertheless, the meagerness of the early teaching must not be exaggerated. In the very first missionary speech of Peter, Jesus was represented as "delivered up by the determinate counsel and foreknowledge of God." Acts 2:23. What happened "by the determinate counsel ... of God" was no meaningless chance; the crucifixion was not a victory of evil over God, it must have had some beneficent purpose. Furthermore, Jesus himself had explained what that purpose was. He had spoken of giving his life a ransom for many, Mark 10:45; still more plainly, on the last solemn passover evening, he had represented his death as sacrificial. These words were certainly not[228] forgotten in the Jerusalem church; they were called to mind in the repeated celebration of the Lord's Supper, and must have formed the subject of meditation. The Jerusalem Christians knew that Jesus' death was a death on their behalf.

(d) The Lordship of Jesus.—The lordship of Jesus, moreover, was fully recognized from the very beginning. The risen Christ had ascended into glory, and had poured forth his mighty Spirit. The believer was no mere learner of the words of a dead teacher; he was called into communion with a Lord and Saviour. Such communion meant nothing less than an entirely new life, in which sin could have no rightful place. It was a life of conflict, but also a life of hope. The Saviour would come again in like manner as he had gone. The spiritual victory, already won, would be perfected by a final victory in every realm.

(2) The Missionary Preaching of Paul.—The gospel of the early preachers was a glorious message. It was a piece of glad tidings, such as the world had never known. Yet even greater things were in store; even more wondrous mysteries were to be revealed. They were revealed especially through the instrumentality of the apostle Paul. The gospel had been preached from the beginning, but much of its deeper meaning was reserved for Paul.

(a) Truth and Error.—In the teaching of Paul, truth became plainer by being contrasted with error. The original apostles had really been trusting in the atonement of Christ for salvation; but now that trust became plainer and more explicit by being contrasted with works of the law. The original apostles had really grasped the inner significance of Jesus as the fulfillment of the Old Testament; but now that significance became still plainer by the contrast with Pharisaic legality. Now at length the death and resurrection were represented sharply and clearly as great representative acts in which the believer shares through faith. The original apostles were not overwhelmed and confused by the new revelation; they recognized the grace of God. Their perfect agreement with Paul exhibited the unity of the apostolic gospel.

Scarcely anything would be more interesting than a full collection of the missionary speeches of Paul. Such a collection, however, has not been preserved. The writings that we possess from the hand of Paul are not missionary addresses, but letters written to those who were already Christians. We should not, however, complain of the providence of God. God has not thought good to give us everything, but what he has given us is enough.

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(b) Information Provided by The Acts.—The book of The Acts, in the first place, affords valuable information. The author was interested, indeed, chiefly in beginnings. The examples of Paul's missionary preaching which Luke has preserved, are perhaps preliminary to evangelism, rather than evangelism itself. The speech at Pisidian Antioch shows how Paul proved the Messiahship of Jesus. In winning the Jews, that proof was the first step. The Pauline gospel indeed appears, but it appears only at the very end of the speech. The speech at Athens is still more clearly of preliminary character. Monotheism needed to be established before the gospel of Christ could be understood. Despite their necessary limitations however, these speeches are instructive. They show, in the first place, that Paul adapted his preaching to the needs of his hearers. He did not preach the same sermon mechanically to all. He sought really to win men over, he began with what his hearers could understand. They show, in the second place, that all preliminary matters were kept strictly subordinate. These matters were not made an end in themselves, as is often the case in the modern Church, but were merely a means to an end. No matter where he began, Paul always proceeded quickly to the center of the gospel. Both at Pisidian Antioch and at Athens, he hastened on to the resurrection.

(c) Information Provided by the Epistles.—The Pauline Epistles, in the second place, though they are addressed to Christians, really afford sufficient information, at least in outline, about the missionary preaching of Paul. Incidental references are sufficient to show at least that the cross and the resurrection were the center and core of it. The Thessalonians, for example, under the preaching of Paul, "turned unto God from idols, to serve a living and true God, and to wait for his Son from heaven, whom he raised from the dead, even Jesus, who delivereth us from the wrath to come." This little passage is worth pages of exposition. Preaching to Gentiles is here reviewed in epitome, though of course not with studied symmetry and completeness. The knowledge of the one true God formed of course, for Gentiles, the starting point for all the rest, but from that starting point the preacher at once proceeded to tell of the work of Christ. Just as illuminating are passages like I Cor. 2:2; Gal. 3:1. In Corinth Paul knew nothing save "Jesus Christ, and him crucified"; in Galatia the story of the cross was made so plain that it was as though Jesus Christ crucified were held up before the eyes of the Galatians on a great picture[230] or placard. The famous passage in First Corinthians, ch. 15:1-8, is, however, perhaps clearest of all. At the very beginning Paul had spoken of the death of Christ and the resurrection. The death, moreover, was not presented as a mere inspiring story of a holy martyrdom, but as a death "for our sins"; and the resurrection was supported not primarily by an inward experience, but by simple testimony.

Apostolic preaching was everywhere essentially the same. The apostles never began, like many modern preachers, with exhortation; though they proceeded to exhortation, they always began with facts. What was always fundamental was the simple story of the life and death and resurrection of Jesus Christ. Jesus Christ crucified and risen was the subject of the good news that conquered the world. When will the modern Church take up the message with new power? We do not know. The times are in God's hand. But when the blessed day comes, it will be a day of victory.

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In the Library.—Bunyan, "The Pilgrim's Progress." Warfield, "The Saviour of the World," and "The Power of God Unto Salvation" (the latter in "The Presbyterian Pulpit"). Hodge, "The Way of Life."

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LESSON XLII

THE WORD AND THE SACRAMENTS

This lesson and the two following are intended primarily to encourage in the student the diligent use of "the means of grace." The wise teacher will keep the practical purpose steadily in view. That practical purpose may now be examined a little more in detail. Why should the example of the apostolic Church be followed in the matter of Bible-reading, of the sacraments, of prayer, of Christian meetings? What was God's purpose in providing these simple exercises of the Christian life—what benefit do we receive from them? Perhaps the briefest and simplest answer is that we receive from them what is often known as "reality" in religion.

1. REALITY IN RELIGION

Many Christians are puzzled by the lack of the sense of "reality" in their Christian life. They have believed in Christ, but often he seems far from them. It is not so much that positive doubts have arisen, though certainly the lack of fervency gives doubt its opportunity. Rather is it an inexplicable dulling of the spiritual eye. The gospel still seems wonderful to the intellect, but to the heart it has somehow lost its power.

(1) The Need of Diligence.—This condition is due very often to a neglect of "the means of grace," which we shall study in this lesson and the two lessons following. It is a great mistake to suppose that the spiritual life is altogether beyond our control. Undoubtedly it is instituted only by an immediate exercise of the divine power, independent of the human will; undoubtedly the maintenance of it would be impossible without the assistance of the Holy Spirit. Nevertheless, in that work of maintenance, we have a very definite part. Many Christians suppose that any performance of religious exercises merely for duty's sake, without immediate spiritual profit, is a mere form. This supposition is erroneous. Not performance of religious exercises without spiritual profit, but performance of them without the desire of spiritual profit, is formalism. The appointed means of grace must continue to be used even when[232] no immediate benefit can be discerned. In the reading of the Bible, in prayer, in public worship, the Christian should first of all do his duty. The result may safely be left to God.

(2) The Danger of Neglect.—Without such attention to duty, the Christian life becomes merely a matter of inclination. In times of great spiritual distress we call upon God for comfort and help; but in the long, level weeks of comparative prosperity we think we can do without him. Such thoughts are the height of folly. God is not our servant, he is not one who can safely be left out of our thoughts except when we think we especially need him. If we neglect God in time of prosperity, we may call in vain when adversity comes.

(3) The Reward of Duty.—The religious life is not merely a matter of inclination; it must be diligently fostered. Such attention to duty, however, will never be merely drudgery. It may begin with drudgery, and it may become drudgery again at times, but if persisted in, it will be an ever-widening avenue of joy and power.

2. THE STUDY OF THE BIBLE

The reading of the Bible is such a simple thing, and so obviously necessary to the Christian life, that it requires comparatively little discussion. Despite its indispensableness, however, it is being sadly neglected to-day. Our fathers learned the Bible with a thoroughness which to-day is almost unknown. The change is full of danger. A Bible-reading Church is possessed of power; without the Bible the Church loses its identity altogether and sinks back into the life of the world. The process, unfortunately, has gone to considerable lengths. How may it now be checked?

(1) The Study Should Be Made Interesting.—Something, no doubt, may be done by making the study of the Bible more interesting. Certainly the Bible does not yield in interest to any other branch of knowledge. The Bible does not merely present spiritual truth; it presents it in a wonderfully rich and varied way. If the study of the Bible is stupid, the fault lies not in the subject matter, but in the student or in the teacher.

(2) The Motive of Duty.—Nevertheless, a mere appeal to the interest of the students is entirely insufficient. After all, there is no royal road to learning—not to Biblical learning any more than to the learning of the world. Solid education can never be attained without hard work; education that is easy is pretty sure to be worthless. Especially at the beginning the chief appeal in education[233] must be to a sense of duty. So it is in the case of the Bible. The Bible is the word of God; obviously it may not be neglected. Let us study it, then, primarily because the study of it is an obvious duty. As a matter of fact the duty will soon become a pleasure, but let not that be the motive. Let us read the Bible regularly and persistently, in entire independence of changing impulse. That is the kind of study that is blessed of God. Superficial study, determined by mere inclination, may at first sight seem just as good. But when adversity or temptation comes, then the difference appears. It is the difference between a house built upon the sand and a house built upon the rock. The two houses look alike, but when the rains descend and the floods come, one falls and the other stands. The Christian whose knowledge of the Bible is obtained by old-fashioned, patient study, never interrupted by changing inclination, has dug deep and founded his house upon the rock.

(3) The Example of the Apostolic Church.—The example of the apostolic Church in the matter of the means of grace is especially significant. In the apostolic age, it might have seemed as though these simple exercises might be dispensed with. What need of regularly appointed forms when the Holy Spirit was so immediately manifested? Yet as a matter of fact all of the essential forms of Christian custom were present from the beginning. Regularity and diligence were cherished even in the first exuberance of the Jerusalem church. Enthusiasm of spiritual life did not lead to the despising of ordinary helps; the early disciples "continued stedfastly," "day by day," "with one accord in the temple, and breaking bread at home, they took their food with gladness and singleness of heart." Acts 2:46.

The use which the apostolic Church made of the Bible might seem to some modern men particularly surprising. A book religion, men say, is a stagnant religion; living faith is independent of dead documents; it is only when the early enthusiasm is lost that belief becomes crystallized in submission to venerable authority. This sort of religious philosophy shatters on the plain facts of the apostolic age. Admittedly that was an age of freshness and independence. There never has been such an outburst of religious enthusiasm as that which planted the faith in Jerusalem and carried it like wildfire throughout the civilized world. Yet another fact is equally plain—this wonderful enthusiasm was coupled with the utmost reverence for a book. Nothing could exceed the unquestioning submission which the early Christians paid to the Old Testament[234] Scriptures. The exuberance of apostolic Christianity was intertwined with a book religion!

The explanation, of course, is simple. Submission to a human book means stagnation; but genuine submission to the Word of God means always what it meant in the apostolic age—heroism and victory and life.

3. BAPTISM

(1) Baptism and Circumcision.—The sacrament of baptism had its truest predecessor in circumcision, the Old Testament sign of union with the covenant people. Baptism as well as circumcision is a sign of the covenant, though the varied symbolism marks the advance of the new covenant over the old.

(2) Christian Baptism and the Baptism of John.—In form, moreover, and to a considerable extent also in meaning, Christian baptism in the early Church was prepared for by the baptism of John the Baptist, which had even been continued by the disciples of Jesus during Jesus' earthly ministry. John 4:1,2. Both the baptism of John and Christian baptism symbolized cleansing from sin. Compare Acts 2:38 with Matt. 3:6,11.

Christian baptism, however, differed from every rite that had preceded it by its definite reference to Christ, and by its definite connection with a new manifestation of the Holy Spirit.

(3) Baptism "Into Christ."—In the apostolic writings, baptism is sometimes spoken of as a baptism "into Christ." Gal. 3:27; Rom. 6:3. The meaning of this phrase has often been obscured both in translation and in interpretation. The phrase "into Christ" in this connection means something more than "with reference to Christ"; it means rather "into a position within Christ." The Christian, according to a common Pauline expression‎, is "in Christ"; he is in such close union with Christ that the life of Christ might almost be described as the atmosphere which he breathes. To be baptized "into Christ" means to come by baptism into this state of blessed union with the Saviour.

(4) Baptism and Faith.—At this point, however, a serious question arises. How can baptism be described as the means by which the Christian comes into union with Christ, when at other times salvation is declared to be by faith? One solution of the difficulty would be simply to say that baptism and faith are both necessary—a man must believe if he is to be saved, but he must also be baptized. Clearly, however, this view does not represent the meaning of the New Testament. The passages where faith alone[235] is represented as the condition of salvation are too strong; especially the vigorous contrast which Paul sets up between faith and works prevents any inclusion of such a work as baptism along with faith as an additional condition of acceptance with God. The true solution is that baptism is related to faith, or rather to the regenerative work of the Holy Spirit, as the sign is related to the thing signified. Baptism represents the work of the Spirit; it is a means which the Spirit uses. If it stood alone, it would be a meaningless form, but when it is representative of spiritual facts it becomes a channel of divine grace.

4. THE LORD'S SUPPER

The celebration of the Lord's Supper in the Jerusalem church was probably connected in some way with "the breaking of bread," which is mentioned in Acts 2:42. Every common meal was an expression‎ of Christian communion, but the solemn words of Christ at the Last Supper could not have been forgotten. Here, as so often, the book of The Acts affords little information about the internal affairs of the Church.

Fortunately, Paul, in the First Epistle to the Corinthians, is far more explicit, and inferences can be drawn from him with regard even to Jerusalem. Paul represents the Lord's Supper, not as an innovation, but as something that had been given to the Corinthians as a matter of course, at the very beginning of their Christian lives; evidently the sacrament was celebrated universally in the churches; Paul had "received" the account of the institution of the Supper from the Lord through the first Christians.

In Corinth, as was also probably the case in the early days in Jerusalem, the Supper was celebrated in connection with the common meals of the Christian community. Certain abuses had arisen; the rich brought food and drink with them and feasted luxuriously in the presence of their poorer brethren; the spiritual significance of the Supper was profaned. Against such abuses Paul enunciates the great principle that the Supper does not work a magical benefit; if partaken of irreverently it brings condemnation rather than blessing.

In I Cor. 10:14-22, the Lord's Supper appears as a warning against participation in heathen feasts. The pagan fellow citizens of the Corinthian Christians, by their religious feasts, held communion with idols; the Christians cannot remain with them and at the same time commune with Christ. A man must take his choice—either[236] Christ or idols; he must choose either the Lord's Supper or heathen feasts. Here the Lord's Supper appears especially as a sign of communion with Christ, as in ch. 11:26 it appears especially as a commemoration of his death. These two aspects of the Supper, and their intimate connection with each other, should now be explained a little more in detail.

(1) A Representation of the Death of Christ.—The Lord's Supper, as is observed in the Student's Text Book, is representative of the death of Christ on our behalf. In many passages of the New Testament, the significance of that death is explained in words; in the Lord's Supper it is represented in visible form. The Lord's Supper is related to the story of the gospel, as the picture or the acted representation is related to ordinary discourse. In the broken bread and poured-out wine we not only apprehend with the mind, but actually see the broken body and shed blood of the Lord. Of course that does not mean, as the Roman Catholic Church teaches, that the bread and wine are actually by a miracle, at every celebration of the Supper, changed into the body and blood of Christ, but only that they represent them. The very simplicity of the sacrament should have guarded against misinterpretation. An actual image of the dying Saviour might lead to idolatry, or to an overemphasis upon the details of the scene on Calvary; the simple representation that Christ ordained is enough to be vivid, without being enough to become misleading.

(2) A Representation of Our Union with Christ.—The Supper represents the death of Christ not as a mere drama, remote from us, but as a death on our behalf. In the Supper we do not merely witness the breaking of the bread and the pouring out of the wine; we partake of the bread and wine ourselves. Plainly the symbolism means that we who are disciples of Christ do not merely admire the holy self-sacrifice of Christ, but rather receive the benefits of it. We feed upon the body and blood of Christ in the high spiritual sense that by faith we obtain from Christ's death pardon for our sins and a fresh start in the full favor of God. These benefits we obtain not by our own efforts, but by a free gift. It was Christ himself who broke the bread and poured out the wine on the last evening before the crucifixion; it is also Christ who, through his minister, at every celebration of the sacrament, is represented as offering to us his body and blood.

The Lord's Supper, therefore, is not merely a commemoration of an event in the past; it is also the symbol of a present fact. It[237] symbolizes the blessed communion of believers with one another and with Christ.

5. THE SACRAMENTS MORE THAN A PROCLAMATION OF THE GOSPEL

So far we have considered the sacraments merely as one means of proclaiming the gospel. The Bible proclaims the gospel in words; the sacraments proclaim it in pictures. Even if that were all, the sacraments would be of great value. By these symbolic actions the gospel message attains a new vividness and definiteness.

As a matter of fact, however, baptism and the Lord's Supper are more than peculiar ways of making a vivid presentation of the gospel. They were instituted especially by Christ, and the Holy Spirit has connected with them a special blessing. The Spirit can use what means he will, and he has chosen to use these. In the Lord's Supper, for example, the Lord is really present in the midst of his people. He is not present, indeed, in "a corporal and carnal manner"; but his spiritual presence is a blessed fact.

The sacraments, therefore, should not be neglected. In themselves, when unaccompanied by faith, they are valueless; and they are not necessary for salvation. Ordinarily, however, they are a chosen means of blessing. When God wills, other means can take their place, but under all ordinary circumstances they are used. Certainly they should not be neglected without adequate cause. They have been provided by God, and God is wiser than men.

The Lord's Supper should be received with solemnity; but sometimes young Christians have perhaps an exaggerated dread of it. The error of the Corinthian Christians should indeed be carefully avoided; wanton carelessness in the solemn act will of course bring the condemnation of God. But the Supper does not demand perfection, even in faith; on the contrary it is intended to help to remove imperfection. The Lord's Supper is not a dangerous bit of magic, where any little mistake might break the charm. Let us partake of it with a simple prayer, and leave the results to the goodness of God.

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In the Library.—Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": article on "Lord's Supper"; Purves, article on "Baptism." W. W. Moore, "The Indispensable Book." Candlish, "The Christian Sacraments" (In "Handbooks for Bible Classes," edited by Dods and Whyte). Lilley, "The Lord's Supper."

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LESSON XLIII

PRAYER

1. THE ANSWERER OF PRAYER

The prayers of the apostolic age reveal with startling clearness the apostolic conception of God; and one chief reason why our prayers fall short of the apostolic standard is that our idea of God is different.

(1) God Is a Person.—In the first place, true prayer always conceives of God as a Person; whereas much of modern religious thinking conceives of him as only another name for the world. Human life, it is said, is a part of the life of God; every man, to some degree, is divine. Such a philosophy makes prayer logically impossible. It is impossible for us to speak to an impersonal world-force of which we ourselves are merely an expression‎; the personal distinction between man and God is absolutely essential to prayer.

The transcendence of God as over against the world is grandly expressed in the prayer of the Jerusalem church, which was studied in the Student's Text Book; the Jerusalem Christians addressed God as the Lord who made "the heaven and the earth and the sea, and all that in them is." Acts 4:24. God, in other words, is not another name for the world, but Creator of the world. He is indeed present in the world; not a single thing that happens is independent of him; the world would not continue for a moment without God's sustaining hand. But that means, not that God is identical with the world, but that he is Master of it. God pervades all things; he is present everywhere; but he is also free.

That conception pervades all the prayers of the apostolic Church; in all of them man comes to God as one person to another. God is free; God can do what he will; through Christ he is our Father. He is not bound by his own works; he is independent of nature; he will overrule all things for the good of his children. Such is the God that can answer prayer.

(2) God Is an Infinite and Holy Person.—If, however, the prayers of the apostolic age conceive of God as a Person, they also conceive of him as very different from men. Here, also, they[239] provide a salutary example for the modern Church. Many devout Christians of to-day, in avoiding the error which has just been described, in thinking of God plainly as a person, are inclined to fall into the opposite mistake. In their clear realization of God as a person they think of him as a person exactly like ourselves. They regard the difference between God and man as a difference of degree rather than a difference of kind; they think of God as merely a greater man in the sky. The result of such thinking is disastrous for prayer. Prayer, to be sure, is here not absolutely destroyed; communion with God remains possible; but such communion is degraded. Communion loses that sense of mystery and awe which properly belongs to it. Man becomes too familiar with God; God takes merely the leading place in a circle of friends; religion descends to the plane of other relationships. Prayer to such a God is apt to become irreverent. If our prayers are to lift us fully into the presence of God they must never lie on the same plane with the communion that we enjoy with our fellow men, but must be filled with a profound sense of God's majesty and power.

The danger of permitting prayer, on account of its very privilege, to become a commonplace thing is one that threatens us all. It may be overcome, however, in the first place, by the contemplation of nature. "The heavens declare the glory of God; and the firmament showeth his handiwork"—and it is a terrible, mysterious God that they reveal. The stupendous vastness of the universe and the baffling mystery of the surrounding infinity oppress the thoughtful mind with a profound sense of insignificance. And God is the Maker and Ruler of it all, the One in whom all the mystery finds its explanation! Such is the employment of nature in the prayer of the Jerusalem church. Acts 4:24.

All the prayers of the apostolic Church illustrate the principle which is now being emphasized. There is never anything trite or vulgar about the prayers that are contained in the New Testament; they are all characterized by a wonderful dignity and reverence.

If the infinity and omnipotence of God should prevent any irreverence in our prayers, the thought of his holiness is perhaps even more overwhelming. We are full of impurity. Who can stand before the white light of God's awful judgment throne?

(3) God Is a Gracious Person.—Nevertheless, despite the majesty and holiness of God, he invites us into his presence. It is a stupendous wonder. No reasoning could have shown it to be probable; only ignorance can regard it as a matter of course. If[240] God were only a somewhat greater man, there would have been comparatively little mystery in prayer; but communion with the infinite and eternal and holy One, the unfathomed cause of all things, is the wonder of wonders. It is a wonder of God's grace. It is too wonderful to be true; yet it has become true in Christ. True prayer brings us not before some God of our own devising, before whom we could stand in our own merit without fear, but into the dread presence of Jehovah. Let us not hesitate to go; God has called us; he loves us as a Father, far more than we can ever love him. Prayer is full of joy; the joy is so great that it is akin to fear.

2. THE INFLUENCE OF JESUS' TEACHING UPON THE PRAYERS OF THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH

In studying the prayers of the apostolic age, it must always be remembered that they stood upon the foundation of Jesus' example and precept.

(1) The Example of Jesus.—With all his power and holiness Jesus was not above asking for strength to perform his gracious work; after that long, wearying day in Capernaum he "departed into a desert place, and there prayed." Mark 1:35. In the hour of agony in Gethsemane, he prayed a truly human, though holy, prayer: "Abba, Father, all things are possible unto thee; remove this cup from me: howbeit not what I will, but what thou wilt." Ch. 14:36. Prayer, moreover, was not something which Jesus reserved for himself; clearly it was a privilege which he extended to all his disciples. In the prayer that he taught his disciples, he summed up all that our prayer should be. Matt. 6:9-15.

(2) God as Father.—One thing in particular was derived by the apostolic Church from Jesus—the conception of God as Father. This conception appears in the epistles of Paul as a matter of course; evidently it was firmly established among the readers; it no longer required defense or explanation. Yet it had not lost, through long repetition, one whit of its freshness; in Paul it is never a mere phrase, but always a profound spiritual fact.

Obviously this idea of the fatherhood of God was of particular importance for prayer. It taught the disciples "to draw near to God with all holy reverence and confidence, as children to a father, able and ready to help" them. A characteristic way of addressing God even in the Gentile churches of Paul was "Abba, Father." Gal. 4:6; Rom. 8:15. The Aramaic word "Abba" is sufficient[241] to show that this hallowed usage was based ultimately upon the teaching and example of Jesus; the word was the very one that Jesus had used both in his own prayers, for example in Gethsemane, Mark 14:36, and in the "Lord's Prayer" which he taught to his disciples.

(3) The Right of Sonship.—What needs to be observed especially, however, is that the right of addressing God as "our Father" was not in the apostolic Church extended to all men. Certainly no justification for such an extension could have been found in the teaching of Jesus; it was not the unbelieving multitude, but his own disciples, to whom Jesus taught the Lord's Prayer. Matt. 5:1; 6:9; Luke 11:1, 2. Paul is even more explicit; the cry "Abba, Father" was to him a proof that a great change had taken place, that those who had been formerly under bondage to the world had now become sons of God. This change Paul represents especially under the figure of adoption, Gal. 4:5; men have to be adopted by God before they can call God Father; and adoption is accomplished only by the work of Christ. Vs. 4,5.

(4) The Intercession of the Spirit.—The cry, "Abba, Father" can never be uttered by sinful man alone, but only by the power of Christ's Spirit. The prayers even of the redeemed are faulty. But the Holy Spirit takes up their cry. "And in like manner the Spirit also helpeth our infirmity: for we know not how to pray as we ought; but the Spirit himself maketh intercession for us with groanings which cannot be uttered; and he that searcheth the hearts knoweth what is the mind of the Spirit, because he maketh intercession for the saints according to the will of God." Rom. 8:26, 27.

There lies the true ground of confidence in prayer. Prayer does not derive its efficacy from any merit of its own, but only from the goodness of God. Let us not worry too much as to whether our prayers are good or bad; let them only be simple and sincere; God knows our weakness; his Spirit will make intercession for us far better than we can intercede for ourselves.

3. PUBLIC PRAYERS OF THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH

The few individual prayers that have been preserved from the apostolic age are for the most part prayers of a more or less public character. The spontaneous outpourings of the hearts of individual saints before God would usually not be put into writing; the full secrets of the prayer closet are known to God alone.

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(1) Spontaneity and Sincerity.—Nevertheless, the public character of the prayers of the New Testament does not mean that they are cold and formal. On the contrary, at a time when set liturgies had not yet been formed, public prayer possessed all the spontaneity of more private devotions; the thought of the listening congregation or of a circle of readers did not bring any hampering restraint. There is a sterling sincerity about all the prayers or fragments of prayers in the New Testament.

(2) Dignity.—The spontaneity and sincerity of the prayers, however, did not involve any sacrifice of dignity. The prayer of the Jerusalem congregation, Acts 4:24-30, is a marvel of exalted speech; its employment of Scripture phrase is an admirable example for public prayers of all ages. That prayer received a glorious answer; indeed the true prayer of the congregation never remains unheard. Christ's promise is always fulfilled; where two or three are gathered together in his name there is he in the midst of them.

In the epistles, there is to be found here and there what may be called, if not the beginning of liturgy, at any rate material of which a magnificent liturgy can be formed. The benediction of Heb. 13:20,21, for example, is characterized by a splendid rhythm as well as by true evangelical fervor. Such a prayer lifts the hearts of the congregation up into the presence of God. There is use for beauty, even in prayer; and the truest beauty is to be found in the prayers of the Bible.

4. PRIVATE PRAYERS OF THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH

The apostolic guidance in prayer extends even to those private prayers which no one hears except God. In this field, the epistles of Paul are of special value. More fully than any other one man of the apostolic age, Paul has revealed the very secrets of Christian experience; and that experience is rooted in prayer. A glance at the beginnings and endings of the epistles will be sufficient to show how fundamental prayer was in Paul's life; news of the churches was never received without issuing at once in thanksgiving or in intercession, and Paul desires, not merely the good wishes, but the prayers, of his beloved converts. Paul practiced what he preached when he urged the Thessalonian Christians to "pray without ceasing." I Thess. 5:17. Compare chs. 1:3; 2:13; Rom. 1:9; II Tim. 1:3. Evidently, moreover, he regarded prayer as something far more than an incidental expression‎ of the Christian life; he believed in its real efficacy with the Ruler of the world.

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5. "MY POWER IS MADE PERFECT IN WEAKNESS"

One passage, particularly, will repay special study. In II Cor. 12:8,9, we have information about the most intimate, the most personal of the prayers of Paul. The apostle had been afflicted with a persistent illness; it had apparently hampered him in his work, and caused him acute distress. In his trouble he called upon the Lord; and by that prayer Paul's affliction has been made to redound to the lasting instruction and encouragement of the Church.

(1) Prayer Concerning Physical Ills.—In the first place, the prayer concerns not spiritual matters, or the needs of the Church at large, but a simple affair of the physical life. As life is constituted here on earth, we are intimately connected with the physical world; the body is necessary to the soul. But God is Master of earth as well as of heaven; even the simplest needs of life may be laid before him in prayer. To teach us that, we have here the example of Paul, as well as the precept of the Saviour himself.

(2) The Answer.—In the second place, the prayer was answered, and answered in a very instructive way. The illness was not removed; but it was made an instrument of blessing. The purpose of it was revealed: "My power," said Christ, "is made perfect in weakness." Physical suffering is worth while if it leads to heroism and faith. Such is often the Lord's will. He himself trod the path of suffering before us, and in his case as in ours, the path led to glory.

(3) The Prayer Addressed to Christ.—In the third place, this prayer was addressed, not to God the Father, but to Christ. Compare Acts 7:59,60. Without doubt "the Lord" in II Cor. 12:8, as practically always in the Pauline Epistles, refers to Christ. Usually, in the New Testament, prayer is addressed, through Christ, to God the Father; but there is no reason why it should not be addressed to the Son. The Son as well as the Father is a living Person; and the Son as well as the Father is God. It is well that we have apostolic examples for prayer addressed directly to the Saviour. Christ, to Paul, was no mere instrument in salvation, that had served its purpose and was then removed; he was alive and sovereign, and the relation to him was a relation of love. In a time of acute physical distress, Paul turned to the Saviour. Three times he called, and then the answer came. The answer will always come in the Lord's way, not in ours; but the Lord's way is always best.

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In the Library.—Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible": Bernard, article on "Prayer" (III). Thomas, "The Prayers of St. Paul."

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LESSON XLIV

THE CONGREGATION

1. CONGREGATIONAL MEETINGS IN PALESTINE

In studying the congregational meetings of the apostolic churches it must be remembered that the Christian community in Jerusalem continued for many years its participation in the worship of temple and synagogue. Specially Christian meetings, therefore, were at first not the sole expression‎ of the collective worship of the Jerusalem Christians. Nevertheless, such meetings were undoubtedly held, even from the beginning. From the days when the one hundred and twenty brethren were gathered together before Pentecost, the Church was not without some outward expression‎ of its distinctive life.

(1) As Indicated in The Acts.—The circumstances of such early meetings of the congregation are, however, obscure. The very considerable numbers of the converts, Acts 2:41,47; 4:4; 5:14, would perhaps sometimes make it difficult to gather the whole congregation together in one place; if, however, that were done, it would perhaps be usually in some part of the temple area. There seem to have been general meetings—for example, Acts 15:1-29—but it is perhaps not necessary to suppose that they included every individual member of the Jerusalem church.

Certainly, however, no members of that first Christian community neglected the assembling of themselves together. Evidently the sense of brotherhood was strongly developed, and evidently it expressed itself not only in the regular relief of the needy, Acts 6:1, but also in meetings for instruction and worship and prayer. Ch. 2:42; 4:23-31. These meetings were only outward indications of a wonderful unity of mind and heart. Ch. 4:32. The cause of that unity was the common possession of the Spirit of God.

As might have been expected in a book which is interested chiefly in the outward extension of the kingdom, the book of The Acts gives us little detailed information about the conduct of these earliest Christian meetings. Probably, however, the example of the Jewish synagogue made itself strongly felt. There was no violent break[245] with Judaism; a new spirit was infused into ancient forms. The resemblance between the synagogue service and even the fully developed Christian meetings of to-day was noted in connection with Lesson IV.

(2) As Indicated in the Epistle of James.—The Epistle of James perhaps helps somewhat to supply the need of detailed information. That epistle, as was observed in Lesson XXXII, was written by the head of the Jerusalem Church, and probably to Jewish Christians before A.D. 49. Apparently, therefore, we have in James 2:1-6 some welcome information about Christian assemblies, if not in Jerusalem, at least in other Jewish Christian churches. In v. 2, the word "synagogue" is applied to the meeting which is described, but that word in Greek means simply "gathering together"—almost the same word is used in Heb. 10:25. The use of the word by James shows simply that at that early time "synagogue" had not become purely a technical designation of a non-Christian Jewish assembly.

So interpreted, the passage in James indicates—what might indeed have been expected—that the early Christian meetings were not always perfect. A Pharisaical habit of respect of persons and desire for the chief seats had crept even into the Church. If similar faults appear in modern times, we should not despair, but should fight against them in the spirit of James.

2. CONGREGATIONAL MEETINGS IN THE PAULINE CHURCHES

With regard to the Pauline churches information about the conduct of religious services is far more abundant than it is with regard to the churches of Palestine; for we have here the inestimable assistance of the Pauline Epistles. The First Epistle to the Corinthians, especially, is a mine of information; but much can also be learned elsewhere.

(1) The Place of Meeting.—From The Acts it appears that Paul regularly began his work in any city by preaching in the Jewish synagogue, but that the opposition of the Jews soon made it necessary to find another meeting place. Often, a private house, belonging to one of the converts, served the purpose. Rom. 16:23; I Cor. 16:19; Col. 4:15; Philem. 2. Sometimes there seem to have been a number of such house-churches in the same city; yet common meetings of all the Christians of the city seem also to be presupposed. In Ephesus Paul used for his evangelistic work a building or a room belonging to a certain Tyrannus, who was[246] probably a rhetorician. The erection of buildings especially for Christian use belongs of course to a considerably later time.

(2) The Time of Meeting.—The frequency of the meetings does not appear, and may well have varied according to circumstances. There is some indication, however, that the first day of the week, the present Sunday, was especially singled out for religious services. I Cor. 16:2; Acts 20:7. The same day is apparently called "the Lord's day" in Rev. 1:10.

(3) Temporary Gifts of the Spirit.—In the actual conduct of the meetings, some features appear which are not to be observed in the modern Church. A number of the gifts discussed in I Cor., chs. 12 to 14—for example, miracles, speaking with tongues, the interpretation of tongues, and prophecy in the strict sense—have become extinct. The cessation of them need cause no wonder; the apostolic age was a time of beginnings, when the Church was being established by the immediate exercise of the power of God; it is no wonder that at such a time the Spirit manifested himself as he did not in later generations. There is a fundamental difference between the apostolic age and all subsequent periods in the history of the Church.

Nevertheless, all the essential features of our modern church services were present from the earliest time about which we have detailed information. The example of the apostles is here very explicit.

(4) Scripture-Reading.—In the first place, the Pauline churches certainly practiced the reading of the Bible. That would be proved sufficiently by the evident familiarity of the Christians with the Old Testament Scriptures; for in those days such familiarity would undoubtedly be received in large measure by having the Bible read aloud. The example of the synagogue would also have its influence. It must be remembered that some even of the Gentile converts were familiar with the synagogue service before they became Christians. But there is also the explicit testimony of I Thess. 5:27, Col. 4:16. There the reading of Pauline Epistles is specifically enjoined. The Apocalypse also was clearly intended to be read aloud. Rev. 1:3; 22:18.

(5) Preaching.—In the second place, there was preaching. No doubt this part of the service often took a somewhat different form from that which it assumes to-day. Prophecy, for example, was a kind of preaching which has been discontinued. The exercise of the gift of "teaching" perhaps corresponded more closely to the[247] sermons of the present day; certainly an exposition of the Scripture passages read would have been according to the analogy of the Jewish synagogue. At any rate, in some form or other, there was certainly instruction in the Scriptures and in the gospel, and exhortation based upon that instruction.

(6) Prayer.—In the third place, there was prayer; directions for public prayer are given at some length in I Tim., ch. 2; and there are indications that prayer was practiced also in the meetings of the Corinthian church. See for example, I Cor. 11:4,5.

(7) Singing.—In the fourth place, there was probably singing, though the direct information about this part of the service is slight. See, for example, I Cor. 14:26. Certainly no elaborate argument is necessary in order to exhibit the Scripture warrant for singing in the worship of God. Psalms were sung in Old Testament times to an instrumental accompaniment, and there is no evidence that the customs of the Church were changed in this respect under the new dispensation. Indeed, if singing is an expression‎ of joy, it would seem to be especially in place after the fulfillment of the promises has come.

3. PAUL'S DIRECTIONS FOR CONGREGATIONAL MEETINGS

Two features balance each other in Paul's directions for the public worship of the Corinthian church.

(1) The Principle of Freedom.—In the first place he is in full sympathy with the freedom and informality that prevailed. There seem to have been no set speakers in Corinth; every man spoke as the spirit gave him utterance; the service must have been characterized by great variety. This variety, Paul says, is not disturbing, because it finds its higher unity in the Holy Spirit. "There are diversities of gifts, but the same Spirit." I Cor. 12:4.

(2) The Principle of Dignity.—In the second place, however, Paul has a strong sense of dignity. The enthusiastic expression‎ of religious feeling must not degenerate into anything like a senseless orgy; spiritual gifts, however exalted, are not independent of reason. "The spirits of the prophets are subject to the prophets; for God is not a God of confusion, but of peace." I Cor. 14:32,33. "Let all things be done decently and in order." V. 40.

Dignity was to be preserved, moreover, not merely in the ordering of the service itself, but also in the dress and behavior of those who took part. So much at least is clear in the difficult passage, ch. 11:2-16. Apparently the full equality which was granted to[248] women in the Christian life led the women of the Corinthian congregation to give a kind of expression‎ to their freedom which at least at that time was not seemly. Paul detected the danger and guarded against it. The lesson always needs to be learned. However dignity may be preserved in detail, in any particular country and at any particular time, the principle itself should always be borne in mind exactly as Paul enunciated it.

At a later period in the apostolic age, the sense of dignity seems to have found expression‎ in a quieter sort of religious service than that which prevailed at the time of First Corinthians. The First Epistle to Timothy lays great stress upon sobriety and gravity in various departments of the life of the Church.

(3) The Principle of Love.—These two principles—the principle of freedom and the principle of dignity—are kept each in its own proper place only when they are submitted to the governance of a higher principle. That higher principle is love. The ultimate aim of congregational meetings, according to Paul, is not the benefit of the individual, but the edification of the whole body, and of the stranger who may come in. The man who has the principle of Christian love in his heart, as it is grandly described in I Cor., ch. 13, will never push himself forward in the congregation in such a way as to display his own spiritual gifts at the expense of others. On the other hand, he will not be inclined to check the operations of the Spirit; it is the Spirit alone who can convert the stranger, it is the Spirit alone who can build up Christian people in the life of faith and hope and love.

The principle of love is often neglected in the modern Church. People say they will not go to church because they get nothing out of it. No doubt they are mistaken; no doubt if they did go, the benefit would appear clearly in the long run in their own lives. But at any rate they have ignored the highest motive altogether. We should go to church not only to obtain benefit for ourselves, but also, and especially, to benefit our brethren by joining with them in worship, in prayer and in instruction.

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In the Library.—Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible"; Gayford, article on "Church"; Adeney, article on "Worship (in N.T.)." Charteris, "The Church of Christ," pp. 44-90.

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[249]

LESSON XLV

THE RELIEF OF THE NEEDY

In the Student's Text Book, special emphasis was laid upon the relief of the needy as it was practiced in the Jerusalem church. Here it may be well to supplement what was there said by a somewhat more detailed treatment of the great collection that was undertaken by Paul. The exposition will serve to illustrate the apostolic principles of Christian giving.

1. THE PAULINE COLLECTION ACCORDING TO FIRST CORINTHIANS

(1) The Beginning in Galatia and in Corinth.—Writing from Ephesus during his long stay in that city, Acts 19:1 to 20:1, Paul tells the Corinthians that he had already given directions about the collection to the churches of Galatia, I Cor. 16:1; he had probably done so either during the second visit to Galatia, Acts 18:23, or by letter after his arrival at Ephesus. Now, at any rate, he asks the Corinthians—very simply and briefly, and evidently presupposing previous information on the part of his readers—to prosecute the collection during his absence in order that when he should arrive at Corinth everything might be ready.

(2) Laying in Store on the First Day of the Week.—The manner in which the collection was to be managed is exceedingly interesting. "Upon the first day of the week," Paul says, "let each one of you lay by him in store, as he may prosper." I Cor. 16:2. Apparently no permanent church treasury was used for the reception of the gifts, every man was to save his own money at home, very much as private collection barrels are used to-day. The laying up of the money, however, was to take place on the first day of the week; we have here probably an early trace of the Christian Sabbath. Perhaps we may conclude that the act of giving was regarded as a part of religious worship. Such a conclusion is at any rate in thorough harmony with all that Paul says about the collection. Some people seem to feel that the taking of an offering rather mars the dignity of a church service. In reality it has that effect only if[250] it is executed in the wrong spirit. Christian giving is treated by Paul as a legitimate part of the worship of God.

(3) The Delegates of the Corinthian Church.—When Paul should arrive at Corinth, he was to receive the collection and either send or take it to Jerusalem by the help of delegates whom the Corinthians themselves should choose. The purpose of choosing these delegates appears more plainly in Second Corinthians.

2. THE PAULINE COLLECTION ACCORDING TO SECOND CORINTHIANS

(1) The Situation.—After the writing of the First Epistle to the Corinthians, there had followed a period of serious estrangement between Paul and the Corinthian church. Naturally enough the collection suffered during this period, as did other Christian activities. At the time of Second Corinthians, perhaps about a year after the first letter had been written, Paul was obliged to remind his readers that although they had begun the work the year before, much remained still to be done. II Cor. 8:10; 9:2. Nevertheless, Titus, during his recent visit to Corinth, when the repentance of the church had become manifest, had apparently been able to take the matter again in hand. Such seems to be the most probable interpretation of ch. 8:6; 12:18. If Titus did take up the matter on the very visit when the rebellion against Paul had been only with difficulty quelled, that is a striking indication of the importance which Paul and his associates attributed to the collection. It was not a matter that could wait until some convenient season; it had to be taken in hand vigorously, even perhaps at the risk of misunderstanding and suspicion, the very moment when Paul's relation to the church became again tolerably good.

(2) Courtesy of Paul.—Like all of Paul's management of money matters, his treatment of the collection is characterized by admirable delicacy and tact. Instead of berating the Corinthians roundly for their delinquency, as so many modern organizers would have done, he seeks to win them over by worthier methods. He points, indeed, to the example of the Macedonian Christians, in order to fire the zeal of the Corinthians; the poverty of the Macedonian churches had not stood in the way of their liberality; they had given up to their power and indeed beyond their power; they had given, not of compulsion, but willingly, dedicating themselves as well as their goods to the Lord. II Cor. 8:1-5. But the Corinthians are allowed to draw their own conclusion; Paul does not[251] force it upon them. He does not press the matter home brutally; he does not put the Corinthians to shame by expressly pointing out how much more generously the poorer Macedonian Christians had contributed than they. Indeed he gives his readers full credit; he courteously calls their attention to the fact that it was they who had made the beginning, v. 10, and that he had been able to boast of them to the Macedonians, so that their zeal had stirred up their Macedonian brethren. Ch. 9:1,2. He appeals especially to the pride that they ought to feel in the boasting which Paul had ventured upon in their behalf; Paul had boasted to the Macedonians that Achaia had been prepared for a year; how sad an end it would be to such boasting if Macedonians should go to Corinth with Paul and should find that the collection was not ready after all! Paul urges the Corinthians not to leave any part of the work until after his arrival; if they do, they will put both him and themselves to shame. Vs. 1-5.

With equal delicacy Paul hints that the achievements of the Corinthians in other directions ought to be supplemented by this grace of giving. The Corinthians, according to the first epistle, had been very proud of their power of "utterance" and their "knowledge"; to these Paul can now add—after the loyalty of the church has finally been established—earnestness and love, II Cor. 8:6-8; but all these excellences will be incomplete unless there is also liberality. The Christian life must express itself in the simpler graces, if the more conspicuous activities are to be of genuine value.

(3) No Unfair Burdens to Be Borne.—The delicacy of Paul's treatment of the matter is observed also in II Cor. 8:10-15; he is careful to explain that the Corinthians are not asked to lay unfair burdens upon themselves. There should be an equality among Christians; it is now time for the Corinthians to give rather than to receive, but if circumstances should change they might count on the aid of their brethren. Furthermore, no one should be discouraged if he can give only a little; "if the readiness is there, it is acceptable according as a man hath, not according as he hath not."

(4) Cheerful Giving.—Paul urges his readers, indeed, to be bountiful. "He that soweth sparingly shall reap also sparingly; and he that soweth bountifully shall reap also bountifully." II Cor. 9:6. But this bountifulness was to be secured, not by pressing out the last cent, but by promoting real cheerfulness in giving. "Let each man do according as he hath purposed in his heart: not grudgingly, or of necessity: for God loveth a cheerful giver." The[252] Pauline method is wisest in the end. Men can seldom be bullied into liberality; they will give liberally only when giving becomes, not a mere duty, but a joy. Cheerfulness in giving, moreover, possesses a value of its own, quite aside from the amount of the gift; it is a true expression‎ of Christian communion.

(5) The Unity of the Church.—Probably Paul desired to accomplish by the collection something even more important than the relief of the Jerusalem poor. Many Palestinian Christians—not only extreme Judaizers, but also apparently considerable numbers among the rank and file—had been suspicious of the Gentile mission. Acts 21:20,21. Such suspicions would be allayed by deeds more effectively than by words; a generous offering for the poor of the Jerusalem church would show that Jews and Gentiles were really united in the bonds of Christian love. II Cor. 9:12-14.

(6) The Glory of God.—Ultimately, however, the purpose of the collection, as of all other Christian activities, is to be found, according to Paul, in God. "For the ministration of this service not only filleth up the measure of the wants of the saints, but aboundeth also through many thanksgivings unto God." The unity of the Church, inspiring though it is, is desired, not for its own sake, but for the sake of the glory of God. By the simple means of the collection, Paul hopes to present a united Church—united in thanksgiving and in love—as some poor, human return to him who has granted us all the "unspeakable gift" of salvation through his Son.

(7) Sound Business Methods.—The arrangements which Paul made for the administration of the gifts are as instructive in their way as are the lofty principles that he applied. In order to avoid base suspicions, II Cor. 8:20; 12:16-18, he determined that delegates approved by the Corinthians themselves should carry the gifts to Jerusalem, I Cor. 16:3,4, and secured for the prosecution of the work in Corinth men who had the full indorsement of the churches. II Cor. 8:16-24. The lesson is worth learning. It will not do to be careless about the money matters of the Church; it will not do to say that the Church is above suspicion. Like Paul, "we take thought for things honorable, not only in the sight of the Lord, but also in the sight of men." In other words, we must be not only honorable in managing the money affairs of the Church, but also demonstrably honorable. To that end sound business methods should always be used. The accounts of the Church should be audited, not with less care, but if anything with more care, than those of ordinary business enterprises.

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3. THE PAULINE COLLECTION ACCORDING TO ROMANS

In the Epistle to the Romans, written from Corinth a little after the time of Second Corinthians, Paul speaks of the collection again. Rom. 15:22-29,31. He is on the point of going with the gifts to Jerusalem, and asks the Roman Christians to pray that the ministration of the Gentiles may be "acceptable to the saints." There is no reason to suppose that such prayers were unanswered; Paul was cordially received by the Jerusalem Christians, Acts 21:17-26; the trouble which caused his arrest came from non-Christian Jews.

4. TO WHOM WAS RELIEF EXTENDED?

(1) Breadth of Christian Sympathy.—The relief of the needy in the apostolic Church, as it has been studied in the present lesson, concerned, not outsiders, but Christian brethren. This fact certainly does not mean that the early Christians were narrow in their sympathies; they had received from Jesus the command to love their enemies, and the command was reiterated by the apostles. Rom. 12:20. They were commanded, furthermore, to "work that which is good toward all men." Gal. 6:10.

(2) Special Attention to Christian Brethren.—There were reasons, however, why such good works should be directed "especially toward them that are of the household of the faith."

(a) The Special Rights of Brethren.—In the first place, there was a general reason, which applies to all ages. Though the Church has a duty to all men, it has a special duty to its own members; for Christian people to allow their brethren to starve is as unnatural as for a father to neglect a son, or a husband a wife. Community in the faith does create a special bond, which should make itself felt in all departments of life.

It should be observed that in the matter of the collection Paul takes altogether for granted the right of the poor saints to the support of the Church. He does not think it worth while to go into details about the suffering of the Jerusalem poor; he does not attempt to play upon the sympathies of his readers; he does not patronizingly represent the recipients of the bounty as paupers. Indeed, the Jerusalem Christians, he tells the Romans, though they are receiving material aid, are not really debtors, but rather creditors. "If the Gentiles have been made partakers of their spiritual things, they owe it to them also to minister unto them in carnal things." Rom. 15:27. This attitude toward poorer Christians is worthy of all emulation. Aid to the brethren is not "charity," in the degraded[254] sense which that fine word has unfortunately assumed, but a solemn and yet joyful duty. It should never be undertaken in a patronizing spirit, but in a spirit of love that multiplies the value of the gift.

(b) Avoidance of Idleness in the Church.—On the other hand, however, the apostolic Church did not encourage begging or pauperism. What the special reason was for the poverty of the Jerusalem church we do not know. Perhaps many of the Jerusalem Christians had been obliged to leave their homes in Galilee and in the Dispersion. At any rate, we may assume that the poverty of the church was not due to idleness. In the Thessalonian epistles Paul takes occasion to warn his converts against an idle life; they are to do their own business and work with their hands; "if any will not work, neither let him eat." I Thess. 4:10-12; II Thess. 3:6-15. Certainly Paul was the best example of such diligence; despite his wonderful gifts and lofty duties he had made himself independent by manual labor. In the First Epistle to Timothy, moreover, particular precautions are taken against allowing the bounty of the Church to be abused. I Tim. 5:3-16. The treatment of the poor in the apostolic Church exhibits everywhere an admirable combination of common sense with lofty idealism.

(c) Conditions in the Apostolic Church and Conditions To-day.—If the gifts of the apostolic Church were devoted chiefly to Christian brethren rather than to outsiders, that is no justification for such limitation to-day. In the apostolic age there were special reasons why the Church could not often deal extensively with the material needs of the world at large. The Church was exceedingly poor; many of the converts probably suffered serious losses by the very fact of their being Christians; under such conditions the first duty was obviously at home. Conditions to-day are widely different. The Church has become wealthy; she is well able to extend her ministrations far and wide. Only by unlimited breadth of service will she really be true to the example of Jesus and of his first disciples; only by universal helpfulness will she be true to her great commission.

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In the Library.—Uhlhorn, "Christian Charity in the Ancient Church." Brace, "Gesta Christi," pp. 93-105. Charteris, "The Church of Christ," pp. 91-129.

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[255]

LESSON XLVI

ORGANIZING FOR SERVICE

Whatever the organization of a body of Christians may be, the body itself is a true branch of the Church if it consists of those who believe in Christ. Nevertheless, if the Church is to be more than an aggregation of individuals, if it is not only to be something, but also to do something, it requires some sort of organization. This fundamental need was clearly recognized in the apostolic age; and it was met by certain provisions which we believe ought still to be followed. These provisions, however, do not amount to anything like an elaborate constitution; they do not hinder adaptation to changing conditions.

1. ELDERS ACCORDING TO THE PASTORAL EPISTLES

In the Pastoral Epistles, which afford more detailed information about organization than is to be found anywhere else in the New Testament, the government of the local church is seen to be intrusted to a body of "elders," with whom "deacons" are associated. No one of the elders, so far as can be detected, possessed authority at all different in kind from the authority of the others; all had the function of ruling; all were "overseers" or "bishops" of the church.

The functions of the elders are not described in detail; but evidently they had a general oversight over the affairs of the congregation. That is the meaning of the word "bishop" as it is applied to them. Some of them at least also labored "in the word and in teaching," but all seem to have been alike in their function of bearing rule.

2. ELDERS ACCORDING TO THE PRESBYTERIAN FORM OF GOVERNMENT

The similarity of such an arrangement to our own Presbyterian form of government is plain. Our churches also are governed not by an individual, but by a body of "elders" who are equal to one another in authority. Changing conditions have of course introduced[256] elaboration of the simple apostolic model. Thus the teaching function, for example, which in apostolic times was perhaps exercised more or less informally by those of the elders who possessed the gifts for it, is now naturally assigned for the most part to men who have received a special training. These "teaching elders" in our church are the ministers. Conditions have become so complex that men of special training, who devote their whole time to the work of the Church, are imperatively required. The pastors and teachers, Eph. 4:11, even in the apostolic Church, seem to have formed a fairly definite group. This class of gifts is exercised to-day especially by the ministers, though similar functions should also be exercised by other members of the Church.

3. HOW WERE ELDERS TO BE CHOSEN?

With regard to the government of the apostolic Church a number of interesting questions can never be definitely answered. For example, how were the elders to be chosen?

(1) Sometimes Appointed by the Apostles.—Such passages as Acts 14:23; Titus 1:5, do not settle the question. According to the former passage, elders were appointed in the churches of southern Galatia by Paul and Barnabas. But it must be remembered that the authority of the apostles was peculiar and temporary. Because the apostles had power to appoint elders it does not follow that any individuals at a later time would possess a similar power. The situation, at the time of the first Christian mission, was peculiar; small bodies of Christians had just been rescued from heathenism; at first they would need a kind of guidance which could afterwards safely be withdrawn. According to Titus 1:5, Titus was to appoint elders in the churches of Crete. But clearly Titus, like Timothy, was merely a special and temporary representative of the apostle Paul; for Titus to appoint elders, under the definite direction of Paul, was no more significant than for Paul to appoint them himself.

(2) The Right of Congregational Election.—On the whole, it may be confidently maintained that the Presbyterian method of choosing elders—namely the method of election by the whole congregation—is more in accordance with the spirit of apostolic precedent than any other method that has been proposed. Throughout the apostolic Church, the congregation was evidently given a very large place in all departments of the Christian life. The Jerusalem congregation, for example, had a decisive voice in choosing the very[257] first Church officers who are known to have been added to the apostles. Acts 6:2-6. In Thessalonica and in Corinth the whole congregation was active in the matter of church discipline. II Thess. 3:14,15; I Cor. 5:3-5; II Cor. 2:6. The whole congregation was also invited to choose delegates for carrying the gifts of the Corinthian church to Jerusalem. I Cor. 16:3. These are merely examples. It must be remembered, moreover, that the authority of the congregation in the apostolic age was limited by the authority of the apostles, which was special and temporary; when the apostles should be removed, the congregational functions would be increased. Yet even the apostles were exceedingly careful not to destroy the liberties of the rank and file. Nowhere in the apostolic Church were the ordinary church members treated as though they were without rights and without responsibilities. Indeed, even when the apostles appointed elders, they may have previously ascertained the preferences of the people.

4. THE APOSTOLIC PRECEDENT AND DEPARTURES FROM IT

The presbyterial form of church government—that is, government by a body of elders—which is found in the apostolic age, differs strikingly from certain later developments. In several particulars, at least, principles have become preval‎ent which are at variance with the apostolic model.

(1) The Monarchical Episcopate.—The first particular concerns the relation of the church officers to one another. In the apostolic Church, as we have observed, there was a parity among the elders; the local congregation was governed, not by an individual, but by a body. As early, however, as the first part of the second century, a change had taken place, at least in many of the churches. The supreme authority had come to be held by an individual, called "bishop"; all other officers were clearly subordinate to him; the government of the local congregation was no longer presbyterial, but monarchical; the so-called "monarchical episcopate" had been formed.

This state of affairs appears clearly in the epistles of Ignatius, which were written a short time before A. D. 117. But all attempts to find traces of the monarchical episcopate in the apostolic age have resulted in failure. The Greek word episcopos, which is translated in the English Bible—rather misleadingly, perhaps—by "bishop," is applied, not to a special officer standing above the elders, but simply to the elders themselves. "Elder" designates[258] the office; episcopos designates one function of the office. The latter word could hardly have been used in this general way if it had already acquired its technical significance.

The efforts which have been made to discover references to the office of bishop in the apostolic age are unconvincing. It is exceedingly doubtful whether the "angels" of the seven churches to which messages are sent in the Apocalypse are to be regarded as church officers; and even if they were church officers it is by no means clear that they exercised the functions of bishops. Undoubtedly Timothy and Titus appear in the Pastoral Epistles with functions similar in many respects to those of bishops, but it is also clear that they exercised those functions, not as officers of the Church who might have successors, but merely as temporary representatives of the apostle Paul.

(2) The Priesthood of the Clergy.—An even more important divergence from apostolic conditions concerns the functions of the church officers. According to a theory which has become widely preval‎ent, certain officers of the Church are to be regarded as "priests"—that is, they are mediators between God and man. Curiously enough the English word "priest," is nothing but another form of the word "presbyter," which means "elder"; "presbyter" is only "priest" "writ large." In actual usage, however, "priest" means vastly more than "presbyter"; it designates a man who represents men to God and mediates God's actions to men. So understood, the term is never applied in the New Testament to church officers as such. According to the New Testament, the only priest (in the strict sense) under the new dispensation is Christ; Christ is the only mediator between God and man, I Tim. 2:5; the high-priesthood of Christ is elaborated in the Epistle to the Hebrews. In another sense, indeed, all believers are priests, I Peter 2:5,9; Rev. 1:6; 5:10; 20:6; all have the right of direct access to God; all are devoted to a holy service. The idea of a special priesthood in the Christian Church is strikingly at variance with the apostolic teaching.

(3) Apostolic Succession.—Another point of variance concerns the manner in which the officers of the Church should receive their authority. By a theory preval‎ent in the Church of England and in the Protestant Episcopal Church in America as well as in the Greek and Roman Catholic Churches, the authority of the clergy has been received through an unbroken line of transmission from the apostles; the immediate successors of the apostles received the[259] right of handing down the commission to others, and so on through the centuries; without an ordination derived in this way no one can be a ruler in the true Church; and without submission to such regularly ordained rulers no body of persons can constitute a branch of the true Church. This theory places a tremendous power in the hands of a definite body of persons whose moral qualifications for wielding that power are often more than doubtful. Surely so stupendous a claim can be made good only by the clear pronouncement of a recognized authority.

Such a pronouncement is not to be found in the New Testament. There is not the slightest evidence to show that the apostles provided for a transmission of their authority through a succession of persons. On the contrary, their authority seems to have been special and temporary, like the miraculous powers with which they were endowed. The regular church officers who were appointed in the apostolic age evidently possessed no apostolic authority; however chosen, they were essentially representatives of the congregation. A true branch of the Church could exist, at least in theory, without any officers at all, wherever true believers were together; the Church did not depend upon the officers, but the officers upon the Church.

5. RELATIONS OF THE CONGREGATIONS TO ONE ANOTHER

So far, the organization of the apostolic Church has been considered only in so far as it concerned the individual congregation; a word must now be said about the relation of the congregations to one another.

That relation, in the apostolic age, was undoubtedly very close. The Pauline Epistles, in particular, give an impression of active intercourse among the churches. The Thessalonian Christians "became an ensample to all that believe in Macedonia and in Achaia"; the story of their conversion became known "in every place." I Thess. 1:7-10. In the matter of the collection, Macedonia stirred up Achaia, and Achaia Macedonia. II Cor. 8:1-6; 9:1-4. The faith of the Roman Christians was "proclaimed throughout the whole world." Rom. 1:8. Judea heard of the missionary labors of Paul, Gal. 1:21-24; fellowship between Jews and Gentiles was maintained by the collection for the Jerusalem saints. Evidently the apostolic Church was animated by a strong sense of unity.

This feeling of unity was maintained especially by the instrumentality of the apostles, who, with their helpers, traveled from one[260]congregation to another, and exerted a unifying authority over all. Certainly there was nothing like a universal Church council; Christian fellowship was maintained in a thoroughly informal way. In order that such fellowship should be permanent, however, there would obviously be an increasing need for some sort of official union among the congregations. When the apostles passed away, their place would have to be taken by representative assemblies; increasing complexity of life brought increasing need of organization. The representative assemblies of our own Church, therefore, meet an obvious need; and both in their free, representative character and in their unifying purpose it may fairly be claimed that they are true to the spirit of the apostolic age.

6. PRINCIPLES

The apostolic precedent with regard to organization should always be followed in spirit as well as in form. Three principles, especially, are to be observed in the Church organization of the apostolic age. In the first place, there was considerable freedom in details. No Christian who had gifts of any kind was ordinarily prevented from exercising them. In the second place, there was respect for the constituted authority, whatever it might be. Such respect, moreover, was not blind devotion to a ruling class, but the respect which is ennobled by love. Finally, in Church organization, as in all the affairs of life, what was regarded as really essential was the presence of the Holy Spirit. When Timothy laid his hands upon a new elder, the act signified the bestowal of, or the prayer for, divine favor. This last lesson, especially, needs to be learned to-day. Without the grace of God, the best of Church organizations is mere machinery without power.

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In the Library.—Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": articles on "Elder," "Deacon," "Deaconess," "Laying on of Hands." Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible": Gayford, article on "Church"; Gwatkin, article on "Church Government in the Apostolic Age." Lightfoot, "The Christian Ministry," in "Saint Paul's Epistle to the Philippians," pp. 181-269, and in "Dissertations on the Apostolic Age," pp. 135-238. Charteris, "The Church of Christ," pp. 1-43, 130-170, 205-239. Falconer, "From Apostle to Priest." MacPherson, "Presbyterianism" (in "Handbooks for Bible Classes").

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LESSON XLVII

A MISSION FOR THE WORLD

1. JUDAISM AND CHRISTIANITY

In teaching the lesson in class, it might be well simply to review the principal steps in the geographical extension of the apostolic Church. This geographical advance, however, was made possible only by an advance in principles which should not be ignored. The really great step in the early Christian mission was not the progress from Jerusalem to Antioch, or from Antioch to Asia Minor and to Greece, but the progress from a national to a universal religion. Judaism, despite its missionary activity, always identified the Church more or less closely with the nation; it was a distinctly national religion. Full union with it meant the abandonment of one's own racial and national relationships.

(1) Limitations of Judaism.—The national character of Judaism was an insurmountable hindrance to the Jewish mission. Despite the hindrance, it is true, Judaism achieved important conquests; it won many adherents throughout the Greco-Roman world. These missionary achievements undoubtedly form an eloquent testimony to the power of Israel's faith; despite those features of Jewish custom which were repulsive to the Gentile mind, the belief in the one true God and the lofty ethical ideal of the Old Testament Scriptures possessed an irresistible attraction for many earnest souls. Nevertheless, so long as Jewish monotheism and Jewish ethics were centered altogether in the life of a very peculiar people, they could never really succeed in winning the nations of the world.

(2) Apparent Identity of Judaism and Christianity.—At first it looked as though Christianity were to share in the limitation; it looked as though the disciples of Jesus formed merely a Jewish sect. Undoubtedly they would bring the Jewish people to a loftier faith and to a purer life; they would themselves become better and nobler Jews; but Jews they would apparently always remain.

(3) The Great Transition.—Before many years had passed, however, the limitation was gloriously transcended. Christianity was no longer bound to Judaism. It became a religion for the world,[262] within whose capacious borders there was room for every nation and every race. How was the transition accomplished?

It was not accomplished by any contemptuous repudiation of the age-long exclusiveness of Israel. Such repudiation would have involved the discrediting of the Old Testament, and to the Old Testament the Church was intensely loyal. Jewish particularism had been ordered of God; the Scriptures were full of warnings against any mingling of the chosen people with its neighbors. Jehovah had made of Israel a people alone; he had planted it in an inaccessible hill country, remote from the great currents of the world's thought and life; he had preserved its separateness even amid the changing fortunes of captivity and war. Salvation was to be found only in Israel; Israel was the chosen people.

The Church never abandoned this view of Israelitish history. Yet for herself she transcended the particularism that it involved. She did so in a very simple way—merely by recognizing that a new era had begun. In the old era, particularism had a rightful place; it was no mere prejudice, but a divine ordinance. But now, in the age of the Messiah, particularism had given place to universalism; the religion of Israel had become a religion of the world. What had formerly been right had now become wrong; God himself had ushered in a new and more glorious dispensation. Particularism, in the divine economy, had served a temporary, though beneficent, purpose; God had separated Israel from the world in order that the precious deposit of Israel's faith, pure of all heathen alloy, might finally be given freely to all.

The recognition of this wonderful new dispensation of God was accomplished in two ways.

2. THE DIVINE GUIDANCE

In the first place, it was accomplished by the direct command of the Holy Spirit. The first preaching to Gentiles was undertaken not because the missionaries understood why it should be done, but simply because God commanded.

(1) Philip.—For example, when Philip preached to the Ethiopian—who was not in the strictest sense a member of the Jewish people—he was acting not in accordance with any reflection of his own—a desert road was a very unlikely place for missionary service—but under the plain and palpable guidance of the Spirit. What is emphasized in the whole narrative is the strange, unaccountable character of Philip's movements; evidently his actions at such a[263] time were not open to criticism; what Philip did God did; if Philip preached to an outsider, such preaching was God's will. Acts 8:26-40.

(2) Cornelius.—In the case of the conversion of Cornelius and his friends, Acts 10:1 to 11:18, the divine warrant was just as plain. Both Cornelius and Peter acted altogether in accordance with God's guidance. On the housetop, Peter's scruples were unmistakably overcome. "What God hath cleansed," he was told, "make not thou common." Peter did not fully comprehend the strange command that he should eat what the law forbade, and it was not explained to him; but at least the command was a command of God, and must certainly be obeyed. The meaning of the vision became clear when Cornelius' house was entered; a Gentile had evidently been granted the offer of the gospel. God was no respecter of persons. Finally the Holy Spirit fell on all the Gentiles who heard the message; they spake with tongues as the disciples had done at the first. That was the crowning manifestation of God's will. There was no reason to wait for circumcision or union with the people of Israel. "Can any man forbid the water," said Peter, "that these should not be baptized, who have received the Holy Spirit as well as we?" Acts 10:47. All opposition was broken down; only one conclusion was possible; the Jerusalem Christians "glorified God, saying, Then to the Gentiles also hath God granted repentance unto life." Acts 11:18.

(3) The Grace of God in the Gentile Mission.—Scarcely less palpable was the divine guidance in the subsequent developments of the Gentile mission. After the momentous step of certain unnamed Jews of Cyprus and Cyrene, who founded the church at Antioch, Barnabas had no difficulty in recognizing the grace of God. Acts 11:23. Not suspicion, but only gladness, was in place. When Paul and Barnabas returned from the first Gentile mission, they could report to the Antioch church that God had plainly "opened a door of faith unto the Gentiles." Ch. 14:27. If God had opened, who could close? At the apostolic council, in the very face of bitter opposition, the same great argument was used. The missionaries simply "rehearsed all things that God had done with them," ch. 15:4, especially "what signs and wonders God had wrought among the Gentiles through them." V. 12. There was only one thing to be done; the Gentile mission must be accepted with gladness as a gift of God; he that wrought for Peter unto the apostleship of the circumcision wrought for Paul also unto[264] the Gentiles, Gal. 2:8; James and Peter and John could recognize, both in the Gentile mission and in the inner life of the chief missionary, the plainest possible manifestation of the grace of God. V. 9.

3. REASONS FOR GENTILE FREEDOM

The Church transcended the bounds of Judaism, then, primarily because of a direct command of God. Such commands must be obeyed whether they are understood or not. As a matter of fact, however, God did not leave the matter in such an unsatisfactory state; he revealed not only his will, but also the reason for it; he showed not only that the Gentiles must be received into the Church, but also why they must be received. The essence of the gospel had demanded Gentile freedom from the beginning; the justification of that freedom at the bar of reason, therefore, brought a clearer understanding of the gospel itself.

Two contrasts, at least, enabled the Church to explain the reason why the Gentiles could be saved without becoming Jews. The first was the contrast between faith and works, between grace and the law; the second was the contrast between the type and the thing typified. The former was revealed especially to Paul; the latter to the author of Hebrews.

(1) The Law and Grace.—Salvation through Christ, according to Paul, is an absolutely free gift. It cannot be earned; it must simply be received. In other words, it comes not by works, but by faith. The law of God, on the other hand, of which the Mosaic law was the clearest embodiment, offers a different means of obtaining God's favor. It simply presents a series of commandments, and offers salvation on condition that they be obeyed. But the trouble is, the commandments, since the fall, cannot be obeyed; everyone has incurred deadly guilt through his disobedience; the power of the flesh is too strong. At that point, however, God intervened. He offered Christ as a sacrifice for sin that all believers might have a fresh start; and he bestowed the Spirit of the living Christ that all might have strength to lead a new life. But Christ will do everything or nothing. A man must take his choice. There are only two ways of obtaining salvation—the perfect keeping of the law, or the simple, unconditional acceptance of what Christ has done. The first is excluded because of sin; the second has become a glorious reality in the Church.

If, however, salvation is through the free gift of Christ, then the law religion has been superseded. All those features of the law[265] which were intended to make the law palpable, as a set of external rules, are abrogated. The Christian, indeed, performs the will of God—in the deepest sense Christianity only confirm‎s the law—but he performs it, not by slavish obedience to a complex of external commandments, but by willing submission to the Spirit of God.

Of course, the religion of the Old Testament was not, according to Paul, purely a law religion; on the contrary Paul quotes the Old Testament in support of faith. But there was a law element in the Old Testament; and the law served merely a temporary, though beneficent, purpose. It was intended to deepen the sense of sin and hopelessness, in order that finally salvation might be sought not in man's way but in God's. The new order at length has come; in Christ we are free men, and should never return to the former bondage. The middle wall of partition has been done away; the ordinances of the law no longer separate Jew and Gentile; all alike have access through one Saviour unto God, all alike receive power through the Holy Spirit to live a life of holiness and love.

(2) The Type and the Fulfillment.—The contrast which was worked out in the Epistle to the Hebrews was especially a contrast between the sign and the thing signified. The ceremonial law, which had separated Jew from Gentile, was intended to point forward to Christ; and now that the fulfillment has come, what further need is there of the old types and symbols? Christ is the great High Priest; by him all alike can enter into the holy place.

(3) The Meaning of the Gospel.—The transition from Jewish Christianity, with all the difficulties of that transition, led finally to a deeper understanding of the gospel. It showed once for all that the salvation of the Christians is a free gift. "Just as I am, without one plea but that thy blood was shed for me"—these words are a good summary of the result of the Judaistic controversy. The transition showed, furthermore, what had really been felt from the beginning, that Christ was the one and all-sufficient Lord. When he was present, no other priest, and no other sacrifice was required. That is the truly missionary gospel—the gospel that will finally conquer the world.

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In the Library.—Orr, "Neglected Factors in the Study of the Early Progress of Christianity" and "The Early Church." George Smith, "Short History of Christian Missions" (in "Handbooks for Bible Classes").

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[266]

LESSON XLVIII

THE CHRISTIAN IDEAL OF PERSONAL MORALITY

In treating the lesson for to-day, the teacher will be embarrassed by the wealth of his material. It is important, therefore, that the chief purpose of the lesson should not be lost amid a mass of details. That chief purpose is the presentation of Christianity as something that has a very definite and immediate bearing upon daily life. Christianity is first of all a piece of good news, a record of something that has happened; but the effect of it, if it be sincerely received, is always manifest in holy living.

1. THE EXAMPLE OF JESUS

In the Student's Text Book, little attempt was made at detailed analysis of the apostolic ideal. The defect should be supplied by careful attention to the "Topics for Study," and also, if possible, by the treatment of the lesson in class. First of all, however, it should be observed how naturally the apostolic presentation of the ideal grows out of the teaching of Jesus. The advance which revelation made after the close of Jesus' earthly ministry concerned the fuller explanation of the means by which the moral ideal is to be attained rather than additional exposition of the ideal itself. That does not mean that the apostles did no more, in the field of ethics, than quote the words of Jesus; indeed there seem to be surprisingly few direct quotations of the words of Jesus in the apostolic writings; the ethical teaching of the apostolic Church was no mere mechanical repetition of words, but a profound application of principles. Nevertheless the teaching of Jesus was absolutely fundamental; without an examination of it, the moral life of the apostolic Church cannot be fully understood.

(1) The Inexorableness of the Law.—Jesus had insisted, for example, upon the inexorableness of the law of God. To the keeping of God's commandments everything else must be sacrificed. "If thy right eye causeth thee to stumble, pluck it out, and cast it from thee: for it is profitable for thee that one of thy members should perish, and not thy whole body be cast into hell." Matt. 5:29. In this respect the apostles were true disciples of their[267] Master. The Christian, they insisted, must be absolutely ruthless; he must be willing to sacrifice everything he has for moral purity.

This ruthlessness, however, this thoroughgoing devotion to moral purity, did not mean in the teaching of Jesus, any more than in that of the apostles, that under ordinary conditions the Christian ought to withdraw from the simple pleasures that the world offers. Jesus himself took his place freely at feasts; so far was he from leading a stern, ascetic life that his enemies could even accuse him of being a winebibber and a friend of publicans and sinners. The fidelity with which the apostles followed this part of their Master's example has been pointed out in the Student's Text Book. The enjoyable things of the earth are not evil in themselves; they are to be received with thanksgiving as gifts of the heavenly Father, and then dedicated to his service.

(2) The Morality of the Heart.—Furthermore, Jesus, as well as his apostles, emphasized the inwardness of the moral law. Here again the apostolic Church was faithful to Jesus' teaching. The seat of sin was placed by the apostles in the very center of a man's life; the flesh and the Spirit wage their warfare in the battle field of the heart. See, for example, Gal. 5:16-24.

2. CONTRASTS

The sharp difference between the Christian life and the life of the world was set forth in the apostolic teaching by means of various contrasts.

(1) Death and Life.—In the first place, there was the contrast between death and life. The man of the world, according to the apostles, is not merely ill; he is morally and spiritually dead. Col. 2:13; Eph. 2:1,5. There is no hope for him in his old existence; that existence is merely a death in life. But God is One who can raise the dead; and as he raised Jesus from the tomb on the third day, so he raises those who belong to Jesus from the deadness of their sins; he implants in them a new life in which they can bring forth fruits unto God. A moral miracle, according to the New Testament, stands at the beginning of Christian experience. That miracle was called by Jesus himself, as well as by the apostles, a new birth or "regeneration." It is no work of man; only God can raise the dead. See John 1:13; 3:1-21; I John 2:29; I Peter 1:3,23.

(2) Darkness and Light.—The contrast between darkness and light, also, was common to the teaching of Jesus and that of his[268]apostles. It appears particularly in the Gospel of John, but there are also clear traces of it in the Synoptists, Matt. 5:14-16; the righteous are "the sons of the light." Luke 16:8. In the writings of the apostles the contrast appears in many forms. "Ye are all sons of light," said Paul, "and sons of the day: we are not of the night, nor of darkness; so then let us not sleep, as do the rest, but let us watch and be sober." I Thess. 5:5,6. "Ye were once darkness, but are now light in the Lord: walk as children of light." Eph. 5:8. God has called us "out of darkness into his marvellous light." I Peter 2:9. The contrast serves admirably to represent the honesty and openness and cleanness of the true Christian life.

(3) Flesh and Spirit.—An even more important contrast is the contrast of flesh and Spirit, which is expounded especially by Paul. "Flesh" in this connection means something more than the bodily side of human nature; it means human nature as a whole, so far as it is not subjected to God. "Spirit" also means something more than might be supposed on a superficial examination. It does not mean the spiritual, as distinguished from the material, side of human nature; but the Holy Spirit, the Spirit of God. The warfare, therefore, between the flesh and the Spirit, which is mentioned so often in the Pauline Epistles, is a warfare between sin and God.

The flesh, according to Paul, is a mighty power, which is too strong for the human will. It is impossible for the natural man to keep the law of God. "I know," says Paul, "that in me, that is, in my flesh, dwelleth no good thing: for to will is present with me, but to do that which is good is not.... I find then the law, that, to me who would do good, evil is present. For I delight in the law of God after the inward man: but I see a different law in my members, warring against the law of my mind, and bringing me into captivity under the law of sin which is in my members." Rom. 7:18,21-23. In this recognition of the power of sin in human life, Paul has laid his finger upon one of the deepest facts in human experience.

The way of escape, however, has been provided; sin has been conquered in two aspects.

It has been conquered, in the first place, in its guilt. Without that conquest, everything else would be useless. The dreadful subjection to the power of sin, which becomes so abundantly plain in evil habit, was itself a punishment for sin; before the effect can be destroyed, the guilt which caused it must be removed. It has been removed by the sacrifice of Christ. Christ has died for us,[269] the Just for the unjust; through his death we have a fresh start, in the favor of God, with the guilty past wiped out.

Sin has been conquered, in the second place, in its power. Together with the very implanting of faith in our hearts, the Holy Spirit has given us a new life, a new power, by which we can perform the works of God. A mighty warfare, indeed, is yet before us; but it is fought with the Spirit's help, and by the Spirit it will finally be won.

(4) The Old Man and the New.—As the contrast between the flesh and the Spirit was concerned with the causes of the Christian's escape from sin, so the contrast now to be considered is concerned with the effects of that escape. The Christian, according to Paul, has become a new man in Christ; the old man has been destroyed. The Gentiles, he says, are darkened in their understanding, and alienated from God. Eph. 4:17-19. "But ye did not so learn Christ; if so be that ye heard him, and were taught in him, even as truth is in Jesus: that ye put away, as concerning your former manner of life, the old man, that waxeth corrupt after the lusts of deceit; and that ye be renewed in the spirit of your mind, and put on the new man, that after God hath been created in righteousness and holiness of truth." Vs. 20-24. Compare Col. 3:5-11. This putting on of the new man is included in what Paul elsewhere calls putting on Christ. Gal. 3:27; Rom. 13:14. The true Christian has clothed himself with Christ; the lineaments of the old sinful nature have been transformed into the blessed features of the Master; look upon the Christian, and what you see is Christ! This change has been wrought by Christ himself; "it is no longer I that live," says Paul, "but Christ liveth in me"; Christ finds expression‎ in the life of the Christian. It is noteworthy, however, that the "putting on" of Christ, which in Gal. 3:27 is represented as an accomplished fact, is in Rom. 13:14 inculcated as a duty. It has been accomplished already in principle—in his sacrificial death, Christ has already taken our place in the sight of God—but the practical realization of it in conduct is the lifelong task which every earnest disciple, aided by the Holy Spirit, must prosecute with might and main.

3. THE NEW MAN

Details in the character of the "new man," as they are revealed in the apostolic writings, can here be treated only very briefly.

(1) Honesty.—Certainly the Christian, according to the apostles,[270] must be honest. Honesty is the foundation of the virtues; without it everything else is based upon the sand. Nothing could exceed the fine scorn which the New Testament heaps upon anything like hypocrisy or deceit. The Epistle of James, in particular, is a plea for profound reality in all departments of life. Away with all deceit! The Christian life is to be lived in the full blaze of God's sunlight.

Many hours could be occupied in the class with the applications of honesty under modern conditions. Student life, for example, is full of temptations to dishonesty. To say nothing of out-and-out cheating, there are a hundred ways in which the fine edge of honor can be blunted. In business life, also, temptations are many; and indeed no one can really escape the test. The apostolic example deserves to be borne in mind; Christian honesty ought to be more than the honesty of the world.

(2) Purity.—In the second place, the apostolic Church presents an ideal of purity, purity in thought as well as in word and deed. The ideal must have seemed strange to the degraded populations of Corinth and Ephesus; but it is also sadly needed to-day. Let us not deceive ourselves. He who would hold fellowship with Christ must put away impurity; Christ is the holy One. Purity, however, is to be attained not by unaided human effort, but by the help of the Spirit of God. The Holy Spirit, if he be admitted to the heart, will purge it of unclean thoughts.

(3) Patience and Bravery.—In the third place, patience and humility are prominent in the Christian ideal. These virtues are coupled, however, with the most vigorous bravery. There is nothing weak or sickly or sentimental about the Christian character. "Watch ye, stand fast in the faith, quit you like men, be strong." I Cor. 16:13.

(4) Love.—The summation of the Christian ideal is love. Love, however, is more than a benevolent desire. It includes purity and heroism as well as helpfulness. In order to love in the Christian sense, one must attain "unto a fullgrown man, unto the measure of the stature of the fulness of Christ." Eph. 4:13.

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In the Library.—Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible": Strong, article on "Ethics" (II). Kilpatrick, "Christian Character." Bruce, "The Formation of Christian Character." Luthardt, "Apologetic Lectures on the Moral Truths of Christianity."

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[271]

LESSON XLIX

CHRISTIANITY AND HUMAN RELATIONSHIPS

1. THE PROBLEM

Two apparently contradictory features appear in the life of the apostolic Church. In the first place, there was an intense other-worldliness; the Christians were regarded as citizens of a heavenly kingdom. In the second place, there was careful attention to the various relationships of the present life; no man was excused from homely duty. The two sides of the picture appear in the sharpest colors in the life of the apostle Paul. No one emphasized more strongly than he the independence of the Christian life with reference to the world; all Christians, whether their worldly station be high or low, are alike in the sight of God; the Church operates with entirely new standards of value. Yet on the other hand, in his actual dealing with the affairs of this world Paul observed the most delicate tact; and in all history it is difficult to find a man with profounder natural affections. Where is there, for example, a more passionate expression‎ of patriotic feeling than that which is to be found in Rom. 9:3? "I could wish that I myself were anathema from Christ for my brethren's sake, my kinsmen according to the flesh."

On the one hand, then, the apostolic Church regarded all earthly distinctions as temporary and secondary, and yet on the other hand those same distinctions were very carefully observed. The apparent contradiction brings before us the great question of the attitude of Christianity toward human relationships. This question may be answered in one of three ways.

2. THE WORLDLY SOLUTION

In the first place, there is the worldly answer. The Christian finds himself in a world where his time and his thoughts seem to be fully occupied by what lies near at hand. The existence of God may not be denied, but practically, in the stress of more obvious duties, God is left out of account.

(1) "Practical Christianity."—In its crude form, of course, where[272] it involves mere engrossment in selfish pleasure, this answer to our question hardly needs refutation. Obviously the Christian cannot devote himself to worldly enjoyment; a cardinal virtue of the Christian is self-denial. Worldliness in the Church, however, may be taken in a wider sense; it has often assumed very alluring forms. At the present day, for example, it often represents itself as the only true, the only "practical" kind of Christianity. It is often said that true religion is identical with social service, that the service of one's fellow men is always worship of God. This assertion involves a depreciation of "dogma" in the interests of "practical" Christianity; it makes no difference, it is said, what a man believes, provided only he engages in the improvement of living conditions and the promotion of fairer laws.

(2) This World Is Not All.—This tendency in the Church really makes religion a thing of this world only. Undoubtedly, much good is being accomplished by social workers who have given up belief in historic Christianity; but it is good that does not go to the root of the matter. Suppose we have improved conditions on this earth, suppose more men have healthy employment and an abundance of worldly goods. Even so the thought of death cannot be banished. Is the totality of man's happiness limited to a brief span of life; are we after all but creatures of a day? Or is there an eternal life beyond the grave, with infinite possibilities of good or evil? Jesus and his apostles and the whole of the apostolic Church adopted the latter alternative.

(3) The Secularization of Religion.—We lay our finger here upon one of the points where the modern Church is in danger of departing most fundamentally from the apostolic model. Religion is in serious danger of being secularized; that is, of being regarded as concerned merely with this life. The only corrective is the recovery of the old conception of God. God is not merely another name for the highest aspirations of men, he is not merely the summation of the social forces which are working for human betterment. On the contrary, he is a living Person, working in the world, but also eternally independent of it. You can work for the worldly benefit of your fellow men without coming into any saving contact with God; it does make a vast difference what you believe; it makes all the difference between death and life.

(4) The Teaching of Jesus and of the Apostles.—Only one-sided reading of the New Testament can find support for the opposite view. Jesus said, "Inasmuch as ye did it unto one of these my[273] brethren, even these least, ye did it unto me," Matt. 25:40; but the same Jesus also said, "If any man cometh unto me, and hateth not his own father, and mother, and wife, and children, and brethren, and sisters, yea, and his own life also, he cannot be my disciple." Luke 14:26. The giving of a cup of cold water, which receives the blessing of Jesus, is done for "one of these little ones ... in the name of a disciple." Matt. 10:42. Evidently the good works of the Christian are not independent of the attitude of the doer toward Jesus and toward God; Jesus regards the personal relation between himself and his disciples as one which takes precedence of even the holiest of earthly ties. Far more convincing, however, than any citation of definite passages is the whole spirit of the New Testament teaching; evidently both Jesus and his early disciples had their lives determined by the thought of the living, personal God, holy and mysterious and independent of the world. Social service exists for the sake of God, not God for the sake of social service. The reversal of this relationship is one of the most distressing tendencies of the present day; a study of the apostolic Church may bring a return to sanity and humility.

3. THE ASCETIC SOLUTION

The second answer to our question is the answer of ascetics of many different kinds. According to this answer, the relationship of the Christian to God on the one hand, and his relationship to his fellow men on the other, are in competition. Consequently, in order to strengthen the former, the latter must be broken off. In its extreme form, this way of thinking leads to the hermit ideal, to the belief that the less a man has to do with his fellow men the more he has to do with God. Such conceptions are not always so uninfluential as we are inclined to think, even in our Protestant churches. Monasticism is not indeed consistently carried out, but it is often present in spirit and in principle. Some excellent Christians seem to feel that whole-hearted, natural interest in earthly friends is disloyalty to Christ, that all men must be treated alike, that admission of one man into the depths of the heart more fully than another is contrary to the universality of the gospel. By such men, individuals are not treated as persons, with a value of their own, but merely as opportunities for Christian service.

(1) This Solution Defeats Its Own End.—It is evident, in the first place, that such an attitude defeats its own aim. Evidently the power of a Christian worker depends partly at least upon his[274] interest in individuals. It will not do, for example, for the teachers in this course to let their students say, "The teacher loves Christ supremely, but he has no interest in me." Evidently the power of influencing our fellow men is largely increased by an intimate personal relationship; if we are to serve Christ by bringing men to his feet, then we ought not to dissolve but rather to strengthen the bonds of simple affection which unite us to our human friends.

(2) This Solution Is Opposed to Apostolic Example.—The example of the apostolic Church points in the same direction; we have already noticed the intensity of natural affection which was displayed even by a man so thoroughly and heroically devoted to Christian service as was the apostle Paul. This example might well be supplemented, and supplemented most emphatically of all by the example which lies at the basis of all of the apostolic Church—the example of Jesus himself. If any man might have been aloof from his fellow men, it was Jesus, yet as a matter of fact, he plainly had his earthly friends.

4. THE TRUE SOLUTION

The true solution of the problem is found in consecration. Human relationships are not to be made the sole aim of life; neither are they to be destroyed; but they are to be consecrated to the service of God. Love for God under normal conditions comes into no competition with love for man, because God takes a place in the life which can never be filled by any human friend; by lopping off human friendships we are not devoting ourselves more fully to God, but merely becoming less efficient servants of him.

5. CHRISTIANITY AND SOCIAL SERVICE

Consecration of human relationships to God does not involve any depreciation of what is known to-day as "social service." On the contrary it gives to social service its necessary basis and motive power. Only when God is remembered is there an eternal outlook in the betterment of human lives; the improvement of social conditions, which gives the souls of men a fair chance instead of keeping them stunted and balked by poverty and disease, is seen by him who believes in a future life and a final judgment and heaven and hell to have value not only for time, but also for eternity, not only for man, but also for the infinite God.

(1) Society or the Individual?—It is sometimes regarded as a reproach that old-fashioned, evangelical Christianity makes its[275] first appeal to the individual. The success of certain evangelists has occasioned considerable surprise in some quarters. Everyone knows, it is said, that the "social gospel" is the really effective modern agency; yet some evangelists with only the very crudest possible social program are accomplishing important and beneficent results! The lesson may well be learned, and it should never be forgotten. Despite the importance of social reforms, the first purpose of true Christian evangelism is to bring the individual man clearly and consciously into the presence of his God. Without that, all else is of but temporary value; the human race is composed of individual souls; the best of social edifices will crumble if all the materials are faulty.

(2) Every Man Should First Correct His Own Faults.—The true attitude of the Christian toward social institutions can be learned clearly from the example of the apostolic Church. The first lesson that the early Christians learned when they faced the ordinary duties of life was to make the best of the institutions that were already existing. There was nothing directly revolutionary about the apostolic teaching. Sharp rebuke, indeed, was directed against the covetousness of the rich. But the significant fact is that such denunciations of wealthy men were addressed to the wealthy men themselves and not to the poor. In the apostolic Church, every man was made to know his own faults, not the faults of other people. The rich were rebuked for their covetousness and selfishness; but the poor were commanded, with just as much vehemence, to labor for their own support. "If any will not work," said Paul, "neither let him eat." II Thess. 3:10. In short, apostolic Christianity sought to remove the evils of an unequal distribution of wealth, not by a violent uprising of the poor against the rich, but by changing the hearts of the rich men themselves. Modern reform movements are often very different; but it cannot be said that the apostolic method is altogether antiquated.

(3) The Ennobling of Existing Institutions.—Certainly the apostolic method has been extraordinarily successful; it has accomplished far more than could have been accomplished by a violent reform movement. A good example is afforded by the institution of slavery. Here, if anywhere, we might seem to have an institution which was contrary to the gospel. Yet Paul sent back a runaway slave to his master, and evidently without the slightest hesitation or compunction. That action was a consistent carrying out of the principle that a Christian man, instead of seeking[276] an immediate change in his social position, was first of all to learn to make the best of whatever position was his already. "Let each man abide in that calling wherein he was called. Wast thou called being a bondservant? care not for it: nay, even if thou canst become free, use it rather. For he that was called in the Lord being a bondservant, is the Lord's freedman: likewise he that was called being free, is Christ's bondservant. Ye were bought with a price; become not bondservants of men. Brethren, let each man, wherein he was called, therein abide with God." I Cor. 7:20-24. The freedom of the Christian, in other words, is entirely independent of freedom in this world; a slave can be just as free in the higher, spiritual sense as his earthly master. In this way the position of the slave was ennobled; evidently the relation of Onesimus to Philemon was expected to afford both slave and master genuine opportunity for the development of Christian character and for the performance of Christian service.

(4) The Substitution of Good Institutions for Bad.—In the long run, however, such conceptions were bound to exert a pervasive influence even upon earthly institutions. If Philemon really adopted the Christian attitude toward one who was now "more than a servant, a brother beloved" in Christ, then in the course of time he would naturally desire to make even the outward relationship conform more perfectly to the inward spiritual fact. The final result would naturally be emancipation; and such was the actual process in the history of the Church. Slavery, moreover, is only an example; a host of other imperfect social institutions have similarly been modified or removed. What a world of progress, for example, is contained in Gal. 3:28: "There can be neither Jew nor Greek, there can be neither bond nor free, there can be no male and female; for ye are all one man in Christ Jesus." Not battles and revolutions, the taking of cities and the pulling down of empires, are the really great events of history, but rather the enunciation of great principles such as this. "Ye are all one man in Christ Jesus"—these words with others like them have moved armies like puppets, and will finally transform the face of the world.

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In the Library.—R. E. Thompson, "De Civitate Dei. The Divine Order of Human Society." Clow, "Christ in the Social Order." Cunningham, "Christianity and Social Questions." Schmidt, "The Social Results of Early Christianity."

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[277]

LESSON L

THE CHRISTIAN USE OF THE INTELLECT

1. THE PROBLEM OF CHRISTIANITY AND CULTURE

The last two lessons have emphasized the duty of consecration. The enjoyment of simple, physical blessings, the opportunities afforded by earthly relationships, are all to be devoted to the service of God. Exactly the same principle must be applied in the lesson for to-day. If physical health and strength and the companionship of human friends may be made useful in the Christian life, surely the same thing is true of intellectual gifts. The most powerful thing that a man possesses is the power of his mind. Brute force is comparatively useless; the really great achievements of modern times have been accomplished by the intellect. If the principle of consecration is true at all—if it be true that God desires, not the destruction of human powers, but the proper use of them—then surely the principle must be applied in the intellectual sphere.

The field should not be limited too narrowly; with the purely logical and acquisitive faculties of the mind should be included the imagination and the sense of beauty. In a word, we have to do to-day with the relation between "culture" and Christianity. For the modern Church there is no greater problem. A mighty civilization has been built up in recent years, which to a considerable extent is out of relation to the gospel. Great intellectual forces which are rampant in the world are grievously perplexing the Church. The situation calls for earnest intellectual effort on the part of Christians. Modern culture must either be refuted as evil, or else be made helpful to the gospel. So great a power cannot safely be ignored.

(1) The Obscurantist Solution.—Some men in the Church are inclined to choose a simple way out of the difficulty; they are inclined to reject the whole of modern culture as either evil or worthless; this wisdom of the world, they maintain, must be deserted for the divine "foolishness" of the gospel. Undoubtedly such a view contains an element of truth, but in its entirety it is impracticable. The achievements of modern culture are being made useful for the spread of the gospel by the very advocates of the view now in[278] question; these achievements, therefore, cannot be altogether the work of Satan. It is inconsistent to use the printing press, the railroad, the telegraph in the propagation of our gospel and at the same time denounce as evil those activities of the human mind by which these inventions were produced. Indeed, much of modern culture, far from being hostile to Christianity, has really been produced by Christianity. Such Christian elements should not be destroyed; the wheat should not be rooted up with the tares.

(2) The Worldly Solution.—If, however, the Christian man is in danger of adopting a negative attitude toward modern culture, of withdrawing from the world into a sort of unhealthy, modernized, intellectual monastery, the opposite danger is even more serious. The most serious danger is the danger of being so much engrossed in the wonderful achievements of modern science that the gospel is altogether forgotten.

(3) The True Solution.—The true solution is consecration. Modern culture is a stumblingblock when it is regarded as an end in itself, but when it is used as a means to the service of God it becomes a blessing. Undoubtedly much of modern thinking is hostile to the gospel. Such hostile elements should be refuted and destroyed; the rest should be made subservient; but nothing should be neglected. Modern culture is a mighty force; it is either helpful to the gospel or else it is a deadly enemy of the gospel. For making it helpful neither wholesale denunciation nor wholesale acceptance is in place; careful discrimination is required, and such discrimination requires intellectual effort. There lies a supreme duty of the modern Church. Patient study should not be abandoned to the men of the world; men who have really received the blessed experience of the love of God in Christ must seek to bring that experience to bear upon the culture of the modern world, in order that Christ may rule, not only in all nations, but also in every department of human life. The Church must seek to conquer not only every man, but also the whole of man. Such intellectual effort is really necessary even to the external advancement of the kingdom. Men cannot be convinced of the truth of Christianity so long as the whole of their thinking is dominated by ideas which make acceptance of the gospel logically impossible; false ideas are the greatest obstacles to the reception of the gospel. And false ideas cannot be destroyed without intellectual effort.

Such effort is indeed of itself insufficient. No man was ever argued into Christianity; the renewing of the Holy Spirit is the[279] really decisive thing. But the Spirit works when and how he will, and he chooses to employ the intellectual activities of Christian people in order to prepare for his gracious coming.

2. THE APOSTOLIC EXAMPLE

Abundant support for what has just been said may be discovered in the history of the apostolic Church. Paul's speech at Athens, for example, shows how the Christian preacher exhibited the connection between the gospel and the religious aspirations of the time. This line of thought, it is true, was merely preliminary; the main thing with which the apostles were concerned was the presentation and explanation of the gospel itself. Such presentation and explanation, however, certainly required intellectual effort; and the effort was not avoided. The epistles of Paul are full of profound thinking; only superficiality can ignore the apostolic use of the intellect.

(1) Christianity Based Upon Facts.—The fundamental reason why this intellectual activity was so prominent in the apostolic age is that the apostles thought of Christianity as based upon facts. Modern Christians sometimes cherish a different notion. A false antithesis is now sometimes set up between belief and practice; Christianity, it is said, is not a doctrine, but a life. In reality, Christianity is not only a doctrine, but neither is it only a life; it is both. It is, as has been well said, a life because it is a doctrine. What is characteristic of Christianity is not so much that it holds up a lofty ethical ideal as that it provides the power by which the ideal is to be realized. That power proceeds from the great facts upon which Christian belief is founded, especially the blessed facts of Christ's atoning death and triumphant resurrection. Where belief in these facts has been lost, the Christian life may seem to proceed for a time as before, but it proceeds only as a locomotive runs after the steam has been shut off; the momentum is soon lost. If, however, Christianity is based upon facts, it cannot do without the use of the mind; whatever may be said of mere emotions, facts cannot be received without employment of the reason. Christian faith is indeed more than intellectual; it involves rejoicing in the heart and acceptance by the will, but the intellectual element in it can never be removed. We cannot trust in Christ, in the Christian sense, unless we are convinced that he lived a holy life when he was on earth, that he claimed justly to be divine, that he died on the cross, and that he rose again from the dead.

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(2) Christianity Involves Theology.—Furthermore, Christian faith involves not only a bare acceptance of these facts, it involves also some explanation of them. That explanation can never be complete; the gospel contains mysteries in the presence of which only wondering reverence is in place; but some explanation there must be. It is quite useless, for example, to know merely that a holy man, Jesus, died on the cross; it is even useless to know that the Son of God came to earth and died in that way. The death of Christ has meaning for us only because it was a death for our sins; the story of the cross becomes a gospel only when the blessed meaning of it is explained. The explanation of that meaning forms the subject of a large part of the New Testament. The apostolic Church had none of our modern aversion to theology.

It is time for us to return to the apostolic example. Mere bustling philanthropy will never conquer the world. The real springs of the Church's power lie in an inward, spiritual realm; they can be reached only by genuine meditation. The eighth chapter of Romans has been neglected long enough; neglect of it is bringing deadly weakness. Instead of adapting her message to the changing fashions of the time, the Church should seek to understand the message itself. The effort will not be easy; in a "practical" age, honest thinking is hard. But the results will be plain. Power lies in the deep things of God.

(3) The Duty of Every Man.—The great intellectual duty of the modern Church is not confined to a few men of scholarly tastes. On the contrary, the simplest Christian may have his part; what is needed first of all is common sense. By an unhealthy sentimentalism, old-fashioned study has been discredited. If God is speaking in the Bible, surely the logical thing for us to do is to hear. Yet modern Christians are strangely neglectful of this simple duty. Bible study is regarded as of less importance than social service; improvement of earthly conditions is preferred to acquaintance with God's Word. The evil may easily be corrected, and it may be corrected first of all by the old-fashioned reading of the Bible. That requires intellectual effort—there is no use in turning the pages if the mind is elsewhere—but the effort can be made by the plain man as well as by the scholar. Simple acquaintance with the Bible facts by the rank and file of the Church will accomplish as much as anything else toward meeting the arguments of opponents. By learning what Christianity is, we shall be able, almost unconsciously, to refute what can be said against it.

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3. THE PRACTICE OF THE TRUTH

This intellectual effort, however, should never be separated from practice. The best way to fix truth in the mind is to practice it in life. If our study teaches us that God is holy, let us hate sin as God hates it. If we learn that God is loving, let us love our fellow men as God loves them. If the Bible tells us of the salvation offered by Christ, let us accept it with a holy joy, and live in the power of it day by day. That is the true "practical Christianity", a Christianity that is based solidly upon facts. Conduct goes hand in hand with doctrine; love is the sister of truth.

4. GOD THE SOURCE OF TRUTH

The ultimate Source of all truth, as of all love, is God. The knowledge for which we are pleading can never result in pride, for it is a knowledge that God gives, and a knowledge consecrated at every point to God's service. Presumptuous reliance upon human wisdom comes from knowledge that ignores part of the facts; true science leads to humility. If we accept all other facts, but ignore the supreme fact of God's love in Jesus Christ, then of course our knowledge will be one-sided. It may succeed in producing creature comforts; it may improve the external conditions of life upon this earth; it may afford purely intellectual pleasure; but it will never reveal the really important things. This one-sided knowledge is what Paul was speaking of in I Cor. 1:21 when he said that "the world through its wisdom knew not God." The true wisdom takes account of the "foolishness" of God's message, and finds that that foolishness is wiser than men. The true wisdom of the gospel is revealed only through the Holy Spirit; only the Spirit of God can reveal the things of God. Without the Spirit, the human mind becomes hopeless in dismal error; it is the Spirit of truth who sheds the true light over our path.

"O grant us light, that we may knowThe wisdom Thou alone canst give;That truth may guide where'er we go,And virtue bless where'er we live."

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In the Library.—Patton, "A Summary of Christian Doctrine." Greene, "Christian Doctrine." A. A. Hodge, "Outlines of Theology" and "Popular Lectures on Theological Themes."

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[282]

LESSON LI

THE CHRISTIAN HOPE AND THE PRESENT POSSESSION

A type of religious effort has become preval‎ent to-day which is directed chiefly to the present life; the improvement of worldly conditions is often regarded as the chief end of man. All such tendencies are strikingly at variance with apostolic Christianity. The apostolic Church was intensely other-worldly. The chief gift that the apostles offered was not a better and more comfortable life in this world, but an entrance into heaven.

1. THE END OF THE WORLD

Only the great outlines of the events connected with the end of the world are revealed in the New Testament. Minute details cannot be discovered except by an excessively literal method of interpretation, which is not really in accord with the meaning of the apostolic writers. Some have supposed, for example, that there are to be two resurrections, first a resurrection of the Christian dead and long afterwards a resurrection of other men; expectation of a thousand-year reign of Christ upon earth has been widely preval‎ent. Such beliefs are not to be lightly rejected, since they are based upon an interpretation of certain New Testament passages which is not altogether devoid of plausibility; but on the whole they are at least doubtful in view of other passages, and especially in view of the true nature of prophecy. God has revealed, not details to satisfy our curiosity, but certain basal facts which should determine our lives.

Those basal facts, connected with the end of the world, are a second coming of Christ, a resurrection of the dead, a final judgment, an eternity of punishment for the wicked and of blessing for those who have trusted in Christ. It is not maintained that these facts stand absolutely alone; certainly they are fully explained, at least in their spiritual significance; but the devout Bible-reader should be cautious about his interpretation of details.

2. FEAR AND JOY

The practical effect of the apostolic teaching about the end of the world should be a combination of earnestness with joy. A man[283] who lives under the expectation of meeting Christ as Judge will desert the worldly standard of values for a higher standard. He will rate happiness and worldly splendor lower, in order to place the supreme emphasis upon goodness. The difference between evil and good, between sin and holiness, is not a trifle, not a thing of merely relative importance, as many men regard it; it enters deep into the constitution of the universe, it is the question of really eternal moment. Again and again, in the New Testament, the thought of Christ's coming and of the judgment which he will hold is made the supreme motive to a pure and holy life. The apostolic example may well be borne in mind. When we are tempted to commit a mean or dishonest or unclean act, when unholy thoughts crowd in upon us like a noisome flood, we cannot do better than think of the day when we shall stand in the presence of the pure and holy Judge.

On the other hand, the thought of Christ's coming is to the believer the source of inexpressible joy. Christ has saved us from a terrible abyss. Our joy in salvation is in proportion to our dread of the destruction from which we have been saved. To the truly penitent man, the thought of the righteous God is full of terror. God is holy; we would sometimes endeavor vainly to shrink from his presence. Yet such a God has stretched out his hand to save—there is the wonder of the gospel—and if we trust in the Saviour the last great day need cause no fear. We are lost in sin, but God looks not upon us but upon him who died to save us. "Salvation" to the apostolic Church meant "rescue," rescue from the just and awful judgment of God.

3. THE INTERMEDIATE STATE

The time of that judgment has not been revealed, but so far as any offer of repentance is concerned the time comes to every man at death. One question of detail cannot altogether be ignored. What did the apostles teach about the condition of the believer between death and the final resurrection? Upon this subject, the New Testament says very little, but it becomes clear at least that the believer, even when absent from the body, is to be present with the Lord, II Cor. 5:8, and that to die is to be with Christ. Phil. 1:23. On the whole, no better statement of the apostolic teaching about the "intermediate state" can be formulated than that which is contained in the Shorter Catechism: "The souls of believers are at their death made perfect in holiness, and do immediately pass into[284] glory; and their bodies, being still united to Christ, do rest in their graves, till the resurrection." The hope of an immediate entrance into bliss at the time of death should not be allowed, however, to obscure the importance of the resurrection. The resurrection of the body will be necessary to "the full enjoying of God to all eternity."

4. THE FINAL BLESSEDNESS

That enjoying of God is no mere selfish pleasure; it means first of all a triumph of holiness. Every last vestige of evil will be removed. No taint of sin will separate the redeemed creature from his God. Service will be free and joyous. The consummation, moreover, will concern not merely individuals, but the race; no mere expectation of the personal immortality of individuals begins to do justice to the apostolic teaching. The ultimate end, indeed, is not our own enjoyment, but the glory of God. Some carnal, materialistic conceptions of the future age would really remove God from his own heaven, but such is not the teaching of the New Testament. God will be all and in all; only in his glory is to be found the true glory of a redeemed race. The power of loving God is the highest joy that heaven contains.

5. THE DISPENSATION OF THE SPIRIT

The present age, according to the New Testament, is a time of waiting and striving; it is related to the future glory as a battle is related to the subsequent victory. Satisfaction with the present life, even as it is led by the best of Christians, would to the apostles have been abhorrent; the Christian is still far from perfect. A prime condition of progress is a divine discontent. Jesus pronounced a blessing upon them that "hunger and thirst after righteousness." Eternal things to us are unseen; they can be discovered only by the eye of faith; we long for a time when hope will be supplanted by sight. Nevertheless, there is no room for despondency; the blessed time is surely coming.

Its coming is rendered certain by the presence, here and now, of the Holy Spirit. The Spirit may be relied upon to prepare us, both in soul and in body, for the glory of heaven.

(1) The Spirit in the Old Testament and in the Life of Jesus.—The Spirit of God was mentioned even in the Old Testament. At the beginning he "moved upon the face of the waters," Gen. 1:2; he was the source of the mighty deeds of heroes and of the prophets' inspired words. In the life and teaching of Jesus, however, the[285] Spirit was far more fully revealed than he had ever been revealed before. He was the source of Jesus' human nature, Matt. 1:18, 20; Luke 1:35; he descended upon the newly proclaimed Messiah, Matt. 3:16, and was operative in all the earthly ministry of the Lord.

(2) The Spirit in the Church.—For the disciples, however, the full glory of the Spirit's presence was manifested only after Jesus himself had been taken up into heaven; the present age, from Pentecost to the second coming of the Lord, is peculiarly the dispensation of the Holy Spirit. Discontent with the Church's imperfections and dismay at her many adversaries should never cause us to lose confidence in the work that is being done by the Spirit of God. It was expedient that Jesus should go away; through the other "Comforter" whom he has sent, he manifests himself even more gloriously than he did to the disciples in Galilee.

(3) The Nature of the Spirit.—The apostles never discuss the nature of the Holy Spirit in any thoroughly systematic way. But two great facts are really presupposed in the whole New Testament. In the first place, the Holy Spirit is God, and in the second place he is a person distinct from the Father and from the Son. The divinity of the Spirit appears, for example, in I Cor. 2:11. The point of that verse is that the Spirit is as closely related to God as the human spirit is to a man. "For who among men knoweth the things of a man, save the spirit of the man, which is in him? even so the things of God none knoweth, save the Spirit of God." The distinct personality of the Spirit appears with special clearness in Rom. 8:26, 27. There the Spirit is represented as making intercession with him "that searcheth the hearts"; the one who intercedes is personally distinct from him before whom he makes intercession. Even more convincing, perhaps, is the great promise of Christ in John 14:16, 17, 26; 15:26; 16:7-15, where the other "Comforter" is spoken of in clearly personal terms and is distinguished both from the Father and from the Son. Personal distinctness, however, is not inconsistent with a perfect unity of nature. What the Spirit does the Son and the Father do; when the other Comforter comes to the Church, Christ himself comes. The doctrine of the "Trinity" is a profound mystery, but its mysteriousness is no obstacle to the acceptance of its truth. Mystery in the depths of God's nature is surely to be expected. This mystery, taught by the pen of inspired writers, has brought salvation and peace into the lives of men. Distinctly Trinitarian passages, such as Matt. 28:19; II Cor. 13:14, are merely the summation of the[286] New Testament teaching about God, and that teaching has worked itself out in unspeakable blessing in the life of the Church.

(4) The Work of the Spirit.—A complete summary of the belief of the apostolic Church about the work of the Holy Spirit would be impossible in one brief lesson. The Christian life is begun by the Spirit, and continued by his beneficent power. Conversion, according to Jesus and his apostles, is only the manward aspect of a profound change in the depths of the soul. That change is "regeneration," a new birth. Christian experience is no mere improvement of existing conditions, but the entrance of something entirely new. Man is not merely sick in trespasses and sins, but "dead"; only a new birth will bring life. That new birth is a mysterious, creative act of the Spirit of God. John 3:3-8.

But the Spirit does not leave those whom he has regenerated to walk alone; he dwells in them and enables them to overcome sin. The motive of his work is love. He is no blind force, but a loving Person; the Christian can enjoy a real communion with him as with the Father and the Son. In the presence of the Spirit we have communion with God; the Persons of the Godhead are united in a manner far beyond all human analogies. There is no imperfect medium separating us from the divine presence; by the gracious work of the Holy Spirit we come into vital contact with the living God.

The Spirit is the ground and cause of Christian freedom. "Where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty." II Cor. 3:17. "For as many as are led by the Spirit of God, these are sons of God. For ye received not the spirit of bondage again unto fear; but ye received the spirit of adoption, whereby we cry, Abba, Father." Rom. 8:14, 15. This liberty that the Spirit brings is, however, not a liberty to sin; it is liberation from sin. The body of the Christian is a temple of the Holy Spirit; in that temple only purity is in place. The inward power of the Holy Spirit in the heart is more powerful than the law; if a man yields to that power he will overcome the flesh; the law of God is fulfilled by those "who walk not after the flesh, but after the Spirit."

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In the Library.—Vos, "The Teaching of Jesus Concerning the Kingdom of God and the Church." Crane, "The Teaching of Jesus Concerning the Holy Spirit." Swete, "The Holy Spirit in the New Testament." Thomas, "The Holy Spirit of God."

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[287]

LESSON LII

RETROSPECT: THE FIRST CHRISTIAN CENTURY

The apostolic example can be applied intelligently to the problems of our time only if there be some understanding of the intervening centuries. We are connected with the apostolic Church by an unbroken succession. A study of Church history would help us to apply the New Testament teaching to our own age.

The Christian writings which have been preserved from the early part of the second century show a marked decline from the spiritual level of the apostles. Evidently the special inspiration which had made the New Testament a guide for all ages had been withdrawn. Yet the Spirit of God continued to lead the Church. Even in the darkest periods of Church history God did not forget his people.

Only scanty Christian writings have been preserved from the first three-quarters of the second century; the extant works of the so-called "Apostolic Fathers" and of the "Apologists" are of limited extent. About the close of the century, however, the record becomes more complete. Clement of Alexandria, Irenæus of Asia Minor and Gaul, and Tertullian of North Africa, give a varied picture of the Christian life of the time. The Church had gained rapidly in influence since the conclusion of the apostolic age; persecutions had not succeeded in checking her advance. Finally, under Constantine, in the first part of the fourth century, Christianity became the favored religion of the Roman Empire.

About the same time, in A.D. 325, the first ecumenical council, at Nicæa, undertook the work of formulating the belief of the Church. The creeds which were adopted at the great ancient councils are accepted to-day in all parts of Christendom. During the same general period, the power of the bishop of Rome was gradually increased until it culminated in the papacy.

After the conquest of the western part of the Roman Empire in the fifth century, Christianity was accepted by the barbarian conquerors, and during the dark ages that followed the Church preserved the light of learning and piety until a better day should dawn. During the middle ages, though there was for the most[288] part little originality in Christian thinking, great scholars and theologians formed striking exceptions to the general condition. The political power of the papacy became enormous, but was hindered by the personal weakness and immorality of many of the popes. The degraded moral and spiritual condition of the Church was counteracted here and there by the establishment of monastic orders, whose purpose at the beginning was good, by the writings of certain mystics, and by the work of the three "pre-reformers," Wyclif in England, Huss in Bohemia and Savonarola in Italy.

A genuine advance, however, did not come until the Reformation of the fifteenth century, when Luther in Germany and Zwingli in Switzerland, almost at the same time and at first independently, became the leaders in a mighty protest. A little later Calvin carried out the principles of the Reformation in a comprehensive theological system, and by the power of his intellect and the fervency of his piety exerted an enormous influence throughout the world. The Reformation was distinctly a religious movement, though it had been prepared for by that revival of learning which is called the Renaissance. The work of Luther was a rediscovery of Paul. Not the performance of a set of external acts prescribed by the Church, but, as Paul taught, the grace of God received by faith alone, is, according to Luther, the means of salvation.

The Reformation brought about a counter-reformation in the Roman Catholic Church, and the western European world was finally divided between the two great branches of Christendom. After a period of controversy and wars between Protestants and Catholics, the Church was called upon to fight a great battle against unbelief. That battle, begun in its modern form about the middle of the eighteenth century, continues unabated until the present day. We are living in a time of intellectual changes. To maintain the truth of the gospel at such a time and to present it faithfully and intelligently to the modern world is the supreme task of the Church. The task to some extent has been accomplished; and the missionary movement of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries attests the vitality of the ancient faith. God has not deserted his Church. There are enemies without and within, compromise will surely bring disaster; but the gospel of Christ has not lost its power. This is not the first time of discouragement in the history of the Church. The darkest hour has always been followed by the dawn. Who can tell what God has now in store?

Transcriber's note:

Minor typographical errors have been corrected without note.

Irregularities and inconsistencies in the text have been retained as printed.

The cover for the eBook version of this book was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.

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