＜미국 명연설 100＞ 1 마틴 루터 킹 목사 "I Have A Dream"(영문원본/일부한글해석) * 동영상 및 음성파일

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1 Martin Luther King, Jr.  "I Have A Dream" 

  : delivered 28 August 1963, at the Lincoln Memorial, Washington D.C.

워싱턴 행진 연설문 "I Have A Dream"

☞ (클릭) 동영상 및 음성파일 제공하는 사이트입니다.

http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/mlkihaveadream.htm

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.

We cannot turn back.

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating: "For Whites Only." We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."¹

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.

And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."2

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.

With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.

Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,

From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.

Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.

Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.

Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.

But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.

From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

                Free at last! Free at last!

                Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!

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워싱턴 행진 연설문

" With this faith , i will go out and carve a tunnel of hope through

   the mountain of despair."

"나는 이런 신념을 가지고 나서서 절망의 산에다가 희망의 터널을 뚫겠습니다." 

“I have a dream” (August 28, 1963)

And so I go back to the South, not in despair. I go back to the South, not with the feeling that we are caught in a dark dungeon that will never lead to a way out. I go back believing that the new day is coming and so this afternoon, I have a dream, it is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream, that one day right down in Georgia to Mississippi and Alabama, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to live together as brothers.

I have a dream this afternoon that one day, one day little white children and little negro children will be able to join hands as brothers and sisters.

I have a dream this afternoon, that one day, one day men will no longer burn down houses and the church of God simply because people want to be free.

I have a dream this afternoon, that there will be a day that we will no longer, no longer face the atrocities that Imatio had to face and Magurders face, that all men can live with dignity.

I have a dream this afternoon, my four little children will not come up in the same young days that I came up with, that they will judge, be judged on the basis of the content of their character, not the color of their skin.

I have a dream this afternoon, that one day right here in DC, negroes will be able to buy a house, or rent a house anywhere that their money will carry them, they will be able to get home.

Yes, I have a dream this afternoon that one day in this land the words of Amos will become real and justice will roll down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.

I have a dream this evening that one day we will recognize the words of Jefferson that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their creator with some inalienable rights and among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.

I have a dream this afternoon, I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain should be made low, the rough places will be made clean and the crooked places will be made straight and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.

I have a dream this afternoon, that the brotherhood of man will become a reality in this day.

With this faith, I will go out and carve a tunnel of hope through the mountain of despair.

With this faith, I will go out with you and transform dark yesterdays into bright tomorrows.

With this faith, we will be able to achieve this new day when all of God?s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics will be able to join hands and sing with the negroes in the spiritual of all ?Free at last! Free at Last! Thank God Almighty!?

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“나는 꿈이 있습니다” (1963년 8월28일)

그리고 나는 오늘 오후 남부로 돌아가지만, 절망에 빠진 채 가는 것은 아닙니다. 나는 남부로 돌아가지만, 우리가 탈출구가 전혀 없는 컴컴한 지하감옥 속에 갇혀 있다고는 생각하지 않습니다.

나는 새로운 날이 오고 있다는 믿음을 가지고 돌아갑니다.

나는 지금 꿈을 가지고 있습니다. 그것은 아메리칸 드림에 깊이 뿌리를 둔 꿈입니다.

나는 지금 꿈을 가지고 있습니다. 어느 날, 조지아에서 미시시피와 앨라배마에 이르기까지 옛날 노예의 아들들이 옛날 노예주인의 아들들과 함께 형제처럼 살게 되는 꿈입니다. 나는 지금 꿈을 가지고 있습니다. 어느 날 백인 어린이가 흑인 어린이와 형제와 자매처럼 손을 잡게 되는 꿈입니다. 나는 지금 꿈을 가지고 있습니다. 어느 날 단순히 자유를 얻기 위해서 집이나 교회에 불을 지르는 일이 없게 되는 꿈입니다.

나는 지금 꿈을 가지고 있습니다. 이마티오가 당해야 했던, 매그루더가 당해야 했던 잔학행위가 없어지고, 모든 사람이 품위 있게 살 수 있는 날이 오는 꿈입니다.

나는 지금 꿈을 가지고 있습니다. 어느 날, 내 네 아이가 내가 겪어야 했던 젊은 시절과 같은 것을 겪지 않고, 또 그들이 피부색깔 대신 인격을 기준으로 평가를 하고 평가를 받게 되는 꿈입니다.

나는 지금 꿈을 가지고 있습니다. 어느 날, 이곳 워싱턴 시의 흑인들이 돈만 있으면 어느 곳에서든지 집을 사거나 세를 들고 집을 가질 수 있게 되는 꿈입니다.

그렇습니다. 나는 지금 꿈을 가지고 있습니다. 어느 날, 이 땅에서 아모스의 예언이 실현되고, 정의가 강물처럼 흘러내리며, 진리가 거대한 분류처럼 흐르게 되는 꿈입니다.

나는 지금 꿈을 가지고 있습니다. 어느 날 모든 사람은 평등하게 태어났고, 창조주로부터 생명, 자유, 행복추구 등 양도할 수 없는 권리를 받았다는 제퍼슨의 말을 인정하게 되는 꿈입니다.

나는 지금 꿈을 가지고 있습니다. 어느 날 모든 산골짜기가 솟아오르고, 모든 언덕과 산이 주저앉으며, 거친 곳이 평탄해지고, 굽어진 곳이 곧게 펴지며, 주의 영광이 나타나 모든 인간이 함께 그것을 볼 수 있는 날이 오는 꿈입니다.

나는 지금 꿈을 가지고 있습니다. 인간이 모두 형제가 되는 꿈입니다. 나는 이런 신념을 가지고 나서서 절망의 산에다 희망의 터널을 뚫겠습니다. 나는 이런 신념을 가지고 여러분과 함께 나서서 어둠의 어제를 광명의 내일로 바꾸겠습니다. 우리는 이런 신념을 가지고 새로운 날을 만들어낼 수 있습니다.

하나님의 모든 아이들이 흑인이건 백인이건, 유태인이건 비유태인이건, 개신교도이건 가톨릭교도이건, 손을 잡고, 『자유가 왔다! 자유가 왔다! 하나님 감사합니다!』하고 흑인영가를 부를 수 있는 날을 만들 수 있습니다. (출처: 월간 조선 2000년 5월 별책부록)

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마틴 루터 킹(Martin Luther King Jr.)

소개

마틴 루터 킹(Martin Luther King Jr.)은 제2차 세계대전 후의 미국의 흑인해방운동 지도자로서 비폭력 저항과 인종차별 철폐 및 식민지 해방과 사해동포론 등을 주창한 간디의 사상에 깊은 영향을 받았다. 이어 보스턴대학 대학원에서 철학박사 학위를 받고, 1954년 앨라배마주(州) 몽고메리의 침례교회 목사로 취임하였다. 재직 2년째인 1955년 12월, 시내버스의 흑인 차별대우에 반대하여 5만의 흑인 시민이 벌인, ‘몽고메리 버스 승차 거부 운동’을 지도하여 1년 후인 1956년 12월에 승리를 거두었다.

그 직후 남부 그리스도교도 지도회의(SCLC)를 결성하고, 1968년 4월 테네시주(州)의 멤피스시(市)에서 흑인 청소부의 파업을 지원하다가 암살당하기까지, 비폭력주의에 입각하여 흑인이 백인과 동등한 시민권을 얻어내기 위한 민권 운동의 지도자로 활약하였다. 1964년에는 이러한 공로가 인정되어 노벨평화상을 받았다.

저서

『자유를 향한 위대한 행진』(1958)

『우리 흑인은 왜 기다릴 수 없는가』(1964)

『흑인이 가는 길』(1967)

루터 킹 목사의 일대기

1929년 1월 15일 - 아틀랜타 오번가 501번지에서 출생

1944년 9월 20일 - 모어하우스 대학 입학

1948년 2월 25일 - 애버니저에서 목사 안수

6월 8일 - 모어하우스 대학에서 박사 학위수여

1951년 5월 8일 - 크로저 신학교에서 신학박사 학위 수여

1955년 6월 5일 - 보스턴 대학에서 신학박사 학위 수여

4월 14일 - 앨라배마주 덱스터 교회 목사 취임

12월 5일 - 몽고메리진보연합회(MIA) 회장으로 선출

1956년 1월 30일 - 자택폭파

2월 21일 - MIA지도자들 보이콧금지법률위반죄로 기소

12월 21일 - MIA보이콧 종료, 킹목사 흑백통합버스에 최초로 승차

1957년 2월 14일 - 남부그리스도교지도자협의회 의장으로 선출

9월 25일 - 리틀 록 센트럴 고등학교의 인종차별폐지를 위해 공권력을 투입한다는 아이젠하워 대통령을 지지

1960년 2월 1일 - 애틀란타로 이주, 런치카운터 연좌운동 시작

1963년 4월 2일 - 버밍햄 기독교인권운동 전개

4월 12일 - 순회 재판부의 항의운동 금지명령 위반 혐의로 체포

8월 28일 - 워싱턴 평화행진

1964년 7월 2일 - 시민권 법령 조인식에 참여

12월 10일 - 노벨평화상 수상

1965년 2월 1일 - 앨라배마주 셀마시 투표권 쟁취를 위한 시위 후 투옥

1966년 1월 7일 - 도시빈민 개혁 운동을 위해 시카고 론데일 빈민가로 이주

1967년 4월 4일 - 뉴욕 리버사이드 교회에서 베트남 반전 연설로 파문

12월 4일 - 빈민탈출운동을 시작

1968년 4월 4일 - 멤피스 로레인 호텔에서 암살

*1986년 미 의회의 결정에 따라 매년 1월 셋째주 월요일을 킹 목사의 탄생을 기념하는 국경일로 지정함.