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According to information published by the `as part of its ongoing evaluation of effective security cooperation with all partners.
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United Arab Emirates Navy's Falaj 2-class patrol vessel Ganthoot conducts a personnel transfer with USS Sirocco. (Picture source: CMF)
This decision may impact the US-UAE military relations, which currently include the presence of three US military bases in the UAE: Al Dhafra Air Base, Al Minhad Air Base, and Fujairah Naval Base. A major military hospital is also under construction, symbolizing a deep-rooted military partnership between the two nations.
However, relations between the two countries have experienced strains due to UAE's interaction with China. In 2021, the UAE signed a $23 billion weapons deal with the US.
Despite this, concerns were raised over the UAE's ties with China and the potential risks to US military technology. The US had made a series of demands, including ensuring the security of US military technology, maintaining Israel's military edge, and limiting the use of acquired weapons in conflict zones like Yemen and Libya. They also requested the removal of Chinese Huawei Technologies from the UAE's telecommunications network.
In reaction to these demands, the UAE suspended discussions over the arms deal and opened talks with China for military hardware. Furthermore, the US has been applying pressure on the UAE, along with Egypt, to tackle the presence of Russia's Wagner Group in Libya and Sudan, following the expansion of US sanctions on the Russian group for its role in Ukraine's conflict.
The CMF, which the UAE is exiting, has been a significant force in maintaining the Rule-Based International Order (RBIO), with a particular focus on countering illegal maritime activities.
It is renowned for its operations against narcotics, smuggling, and piracy, and for promoting regional partnerships. The CMF has been instrumental in enhancing maritime security and ensuring the smooth flow of commerce in key maritime regions, primarily through the collective efforts of its 38 member nations. The impact of UAE's decision on CMF operations and US-UAE relations is yet to be fully understood.
https://www.cusnc.navy.mil/Combined-Maritime-Forces/
Combined Maritime Forces (CMF) is a multi-national naval partnership, which exists to promote security, stability and prosperity across approximately 3.2 million square miles of international waters, which encompass some of the world’s most important shipping lanes.
CMF’s main focus areas are defeating terrorism, preventing piracy, encouraging regional cooperation, and promoting a safe maritime environment.
CMF counters violent extremism and terrorist networks in maritime areas of responsibility; works with regional and other partners to improve overall security and stability; helps strengthen regional nations’ maritime capabilities and, when requested, responds to environmental and humanitarian crises.
Comprised of three task forces: CTF 150 (maritime security and counter-terrorism), CTF 151 (counter piracy) and CTF 152 (Arabian Gulf security and cooperation).
34 member nations: Australia, Bahrain, Belgium, Brazil, Canada, Denmark, Egypt, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Iraq, Japan, Jordan, Republic of Korea, Kuwait, Malaysia, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Pakistan, The Philippines, Portugal, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Seychelles, Singapore, Spain, Thailand, Turkey, UAE, United Kingdom, United States and Yemen.
Participation is purely voluntary. No nation is asked to carry out any duty that it is unwilling to conduct. The contribution from each country varies depending on its ability to contribute assets and the availability of those assets at any given time.
The 34 nations that comprise CMF are not bound by either a political or military mandate. CMF is a flexible organisation. Contributions can vary from the provision of a liaison officer at CMF HQ in Bahrain to the supply of warships or support vessels in task forces, and maritime reconnaissance aircraft based on land. We can also call on warships not explicitly assigned to CMF to give associated support, which is assistance they can offer if they have the time and capacity to do so whilst undertaking national tasking.
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첫댓글 The Economist를 보니 UAE는 이스라엘이 이란의 핵시설을 폭격하면 UAE가 보복을 당할 것이라고 걱정하고 있고, 미국이 UAE에 팔지 않는 공격 무기를 중국에서 얻으려는 것 같습니다. 사우디 아라비아도 마찬가지. 사우디 아라비아는 1980년대에 중국제 DF-3 IRBM을 도입했지요.
https://www.economist.com/middle-east-and-africa/2022/12/07/the-gulf-looks-to-china
China has also sold armed drones to the UAE, among others, which has used them on battlefields across the region. In March a Saudi firm signed a deal with a state-owned Chinese defence giant to manufacture drones in the kingdom. America’s spies say China is helping Saudi Arabia build ballistic missiles as well.
https://www.economist.com/middle-east-and-africa/2023/03/10/china-brokers-an-iran-saudi-rapprochement
Still, the treaty may lower the chances of a cold war turning hot. The United Arab Emirates (UAE) has reached a similar conclusion. Last year it restored full relations with Iran, having downgraded them after the attack on Saudi missions in 2016. The UAE was unnerved by drone attacks last year on Abu Dhabi, its capital, and worries that it could face retaliation for a possible Israeli strike on Iran’s nuclear facilities.