Having 3,000 troops poised to go to Iraq from early August, Koreans are watching the handover of sovereignty from the U.S.-led coalition authorities to the interim Iraqi government with deep concern. Joining the 660 Korean soldiers already in Iraq, the additional expeditionary forces will be the third largest foreign contingent after the U.S. and British forces. They will be in Iraq as guests of the new Iraqi government that needs multinational military support until the Iraqis are able to assume full responsibility for their own security.
Under U.N. Resolution 1546, all foreign forces will stay in Iraq only as long as the Iraqi government so wishes, and they will have to consult the Iraqi authorities to conduct major operations. As Korean forces are set to be stationed in the northern Kurdish region of Irbil, security needs will not be significant, allowing the chiefly noncombatant Korean troops to engage exclusively in rehabilitation work.
Still, there are new concerns that the Kurdish independence movement, which is certain to be intensified following the handover of sovereignty, could affect the mission of the Korean troops. Analysts have pointed out that the Kirkuk area, just south of the Korean zone of responsibility, could become the first site of unrest if ethnic conflict arises in the Kurdish region.
Extra efforts will be needed for the Korean forces to prove their good will to the troubled people of Iraq through their generous relief activities, as well as by efficient rehabilitation work in providing community-level infrastructure facilities. Officers, men and women of the "Zaytun Unit" will have to complete flawless preparations and training in the heat of July to be ready to accomplish their difficult mission.
From various pronouncements made by the leaders of the new Iraqi government on the return of power, we feel their self-confidence as well as their trust in foreign help. Prime Minister Ayad Allawi has set out four goals for his administration; first and foremost to establish security, second to rebuild the economy, third to secure the development of a strong and independent judiciary system and fourth to accelerate the political process toward democracy.
He stressed the need to separate Iraqis who have initially opposed the occupation forces on nationalistic grounds from foreign terrorist fundamentalists, in order to seek reconciliation with the former while isolating and defeating the latter. The biggest challenge will be integrating the Shiite and Sunni religious groups into the political arena and ending armed resistance.
Regarding democracy in Iraq, Allawi called on the international community to recognize the nation's unique cultural and historical context with its own customs and values. He opined that the democratic system to be developed in Iraq will not, and should not, be a replica of the U.S., British or any other existing model, but one that will work best for Iraqis.
The United States, maintaining a military force of 135,000 and having virtually handpicked the leaders of the provisional government, will be tempted to exercise its influence in one way or another in order to install a system which can guarantee its access to, and lasting ties with, the Middle East country. On the other hand, Iraq's Muslim groups will seek to bring religious overtones to the secular governing system while engaging in hegemonic contests among themselves.
In the course of implementing the rather speedy schedule to establish a democratic government - from the election of a constituent assembly by Jan. 31, 2005 to general elections under a new constitution by the end of next year - Allawi and his team of administrators will find themselves sandwiched between the two key forces of influence. Besides, their individual ambitions to assume leadership in the future of Iraq may further complicate the work of the interim government.
What will unfold in the Middle East country will truly be a great experiment of history and Korea, as a major contributor to the multinational force to ensure a peaceful transition, cannot remain a curious bystander. Our government should continue to search for what we can do to help the Iraqis in their hard work of nation-building, while urging all the diverse elements in Iraqi society to exercise great restraint and reject violence at this crucial time.
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