|
|
TIME was when the left in Latin America believed in human rights and welcomed outside pressure to secure them. Now that they are in power, the region’s far-left populists
남미에서 좌파가 인권을 믿고 그것을 보호하기 위한 외부 압력들이 환영받았을 시절이 있었다. 지금 그들은 권력을 잡고 있고, 그 지역의 극좌 대중영합주의자들이
bridle at any criticism, domestic or foreign, of their self-proclaimed revolutions. Led by Ecuador’s Rafael Correa, these governments have been campaigning to castrate the
그들의 자칭 혁명에 대한 국내외의 어떠한 비판도 수긍하지 않는다. 에콰도르의 라파엘 코레라의 주도아래 그들의 정부들은 뒤에것들을 제거하기 위해 운동해오고 있다.
Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) and its associated court, bodies that operate under the aegis of the Organisation of American States (OAS).
미주기구인권위원회와 그것의 관계 법원, 미주기구의 보호아래 운영되는 단체들.
At an extraordinary meeting of the OAS general assembly on March 22nd they failed, at least for the time being.
3월 22일에 열린 미주기구 임시총회에서는 그들이 실패했다. 적어도 당분간은
Ecuador, backed by Bolivia, Nicaragua and Venezuela, wanted to curb the autonomy of the commission
에콰도르(예전의 볼리비아), 니카라과 그리고 베네수엘라는 제한하기를 원했다. 위원회의 자치권과
and the OAS’s rapporteur on freedom of expression and bar them from receiving outside donations.
미주기구 조사관의 표현의 자유와 외부의 원조를 받는것으로부터 그들을 방해하는 것들.
Since both depend in part on European donations, that risked crippling them.
양쪽이 유럽인들의 기부품들의 일부에 매달렸을때부터 저것은 그들에게 회복할 수 없을만큼 위태로웠다.
Instead, the assembly approved a set of reforms agreed on by the IACHR aimed at ensuring that it retains the consent of the region’s democratic governments.
대신에 그 회의는 승인했다 미주인권위원회에서 합의한 일련의 개혁들을 승인했다. 지역의 민주정부들의 일치를 유지하기위한 보장을 목적으로 하는
Human-rights groups credit the IACHR with helping to ensure that abuses of power by military dictatorships of the 1970s are punished,
인권그룹들은 iachr을 믿었다. 1970년대에 의 압제에서 보호해주는 도움을 줄꺼라고
and that soldiers charged with crimes should face civilian courts.
More recently, the commission has been critical of assaults on media freedom by Mr Correa and by Venezuela’s government.
But the commission was also thought to have overreached itself when in 2011 it issued a precautionary measure (ie, injunction) ordering Brazil immediately to halt construction of a large dam at Belo Monte in the Amazon. That decision was beyond the commission’s powers, according to Diego Garcia Sayan, the president of the Inter-American court. It prompted Brazil to suspend its financing of the OAS.
The row over Belo Monte triggered a consultation over reforming the way the IACHR works. In the event, this has involved fairly minor changes. The commission has specified that it will only issue precautionary measures where there is a serious and imminent threat of irreparable damage to human rights. Its annual report will include a general survey of rights in the region, rather than a kind of blacklist. These reforms “changed the climate” and satisfied “90% of countries” including Brazil, according to Jose Miguel Insulza, the OAS’s secretary-general.
Those human-rights groups who argued that the reform process would mutilate the commission were wrong, says Mr Garcia Sayan. Nevertheless, the battle may not be over. In a sop to Ecuador and its friends, the assembly also agreed “to continue the dialogue” on the commission. The IACHR, by its reform and lobbying, “headed off the worst outcome, but that shouldn’t be confused with a resounding victory and an endorsement of the commission,” says Michael Shifter of the Inter-American Dialogue, a think-tank in Washington, DC. “There are governments that are intent on attrition, on doing everything they can to weaken the system”.
