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| SOUND FILES Listen to full John F. Kennedy Inaugural Address (13 MB ) Listen to "Ask not..." excerpt (124KB ) ![]() January 20, 1961 Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, Fellow Citizens: We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end as well as a beginning--signifying renewal as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago. The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe, the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God. |
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world. Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty. This much we pledge and more. To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little we can do, for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder. To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom, and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside. To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich. To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge, to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house. To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak-- and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run. Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction. We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed. But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course, both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war. So let us begin anew, remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate. Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us. Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations. Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce. Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah, to "undo the heavy burdens . . . [and] let the oppressed go free." And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved. All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin. In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe. Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need, not as a call to battle, though embattled we are, but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation"--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself. Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort? In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility. I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it, and the glow from that fire can truly light the world. And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you. Ask what you can do for your country. My fellow citizens of tho world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man. Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own. |
첫댓글 Hollow pledges. How many of them have been realized? Is the world any better? Look at the mess America has created in Iraq. Shaking my head in disbelief nowadays ...
What a wonderful article it is! We alreadly read this in our highschool period. As you know, 정통종합영어에 나오는 문장이지! 또 이 이야기 했다가 현호한테 야단 맞을라! ㅎㅎ
여긴선 무슨말 해도 괜찮다. 손님없어 파리 날리는 판에 업주도 살아야제. 눈 감아 줄꺼구만. 그래 맞다. 정통영어에 한구절 나오제. 왜 그래 어려븐거 올려서 우릴 괴롭현던지. 아무짝에도 쓸거 없더구만. 대학입시에 비스무리한거 본적도 없다 난.
음성이 안나오네. 손좀 봐주시요. "국가가 당신을 위해 무엇을 해 줄 것인가는 요구하지 말고, 당신이 국가를 위하여 무엇을 해야 하지는 지를 구하라." 는 말이 정통종합영어에 있었남. 내가 야단치는 것이 아니고, 친구들 한테 혼날 수 있다는 것을 내가 대신 말한 것 뿐이다. ㅎㅎㅎ
그랬음 오죽 좋을까. 원문에도 Audio가 안되던데. 더 찾아 봄세.
이제 생각이 나는구만. 지난번 거는 Real Player 라서 그걸 설치하면 부작용이 있어 피한건데. 꼭데기서 audio 를 click 하면 될 걸세. 그리고 이번엔 본방에 옮겨 만신창 만들지 말고 조용히 사세. Enjoy listening yourself as many times as you want but don't shed tears this time. Promise?
이 분 영어 참 잘하네요. ㅎㅎㅎㅎ 지금에 와서 그 유명한 케네디의 육성을 듣고 또 들을 수 있다는건 분명 문명의 이기를 충분히 누리고 있다는 얘기겠지요. 이거 너무 좋은 자료라 다른데 좀 퍼 나르고 싶은데 괜찮으실런지..요? 고맙습니다.
그렇죠. 그런데 판권은 제가 소유한게 아니라서... 아래 출처만 밝혀 주이소. http://www.fiftiesweb.com/kennedy/kennedy-inaugural-address.htm
맨 위, SOUND FILES를 누르면 연설이 시작된다. 그런데, 중간에 연설은 나오는데, 영문이 끊긴다. 영문을 계속 보고 연설을 들으려면, 일단 윈도우 창을 숨기고, 새로 다음 카페 접속하여 영어방을 들어가면, 소리와 글을 동시에 볼 수 있다. 즉 다음 카페에 동시에 2번 접속하는 거다. ㅎㅎㅎ
사무실에서는 시간이 없어 다 듣지 못하고 집에와서 연설을 다 들었다. 마틴 루터 킹목사의 연설과는 대비되는 구나. 킹목사의 연설은 흑인의 고난에 대한 뼈에 사무치는 육성이 들어 있어, 정말 감동을 받았지만, 이 연설은 솔직히 다른 대통령의 연설과 비교하여 호소력 있는 연설이라고 못 느끼겠다. 내용도 냉전시대의
양쪽 진영에 대한 멧세지를 담고 있다. 루터 킹 목사는 때로는 가늘게, 때로는 떨리는 목소리로, 때로는 포효하는 음성으로, 때로는 단호한 어조로 청중을 사로잡았다. 근데, 케네디는 그냥 평범한 목소리로 강약을 조절하지 못하여 호소력이 좀 떨어진 듯한 느낌... ㅎㅎㅎ
쪽집게네. 맨 마지막 귀절 빼곤 별로. 영어 자체는 훨신 고급 영어지. 그리고 전달자의 monotonous 한 목소리 New England 지역 엑센트하며 여러 요소가 있지.