Kut in Sacred and Secular Contexts

[punuri]

Kut in Sacred and Secular Contexts
- Focusing on Musical Practices of Ritual Performances -
Maria Kongju, Seo*1)
〔Summary〕
In this article, I will consider kut (rituals) in sacred and secular contexts. Kut are usually held in sacred context, but in recent
years many rituals have been presented on concert stages for the general public in a secular context by folk singers or mudang (ritual
specialists). The main difference between secular and sacred contexts is the purpose or intent of the ritual. Since music is the
essential component in kut, I will discuss musicians (ritual musicians, hired instrumentalists, and folk singers), instruments, song
repertoires, performance practices, and performance contexts while exploring the inevitable transformations of kut due to social and
economic changes in contemporary Korea.
Introduction
Kut1) (rituals) are usually performed in a sacred context, but in recent years many
kut have been presented on concert stages for the general public in a secular
context. Rituals in sacred context are performed for ritual “efficacy” while rituals in
secular context are performed for “entertainment” (Schechner 1988:120). The main
difference between secular and sacred contexts is the purpose or intent of the
ritual. In this article, I will discuss various types of kut, ritual specialists, ritual
music, and performance contexts while exploring the inevitable transformations of
kut due to social and economic changes in contemporary Korea.
Kut is the ritual component of Mu,2) the indigenous religion of Korea. Mu focuses on
the importance of harmonious living on this earth and advocates the harmony of the
universe created by the balance of samjae―heaven, earth, and humans. Mu interprets
sickness, misfortune, or adversity in life as the result of an imbalance of samjae. When
the balance is disturbed, the indigenous Korean way of restoring harmony in this world
is through a kut.
Kut is a propitiatory ritual that may be held for an individual, family, or the
community at large.3) Kut are often held to receive blessings for better luck, to
* Ph.D. in Ethnomusicology. University of Washington, Seattle.
1) In order to transliterate the Korean word ritual into English, I chose kut instead of gut,
which means a belly or abdomen in English.
2) Mu is one of many terms used for the Korean indigenous religion. It is also known as
musok, muism, mu religion, kut, shamanism, and singyo, to name a few.

2 한국무속학
heal the sick, to overcome difficulties, or to lead the departed peacefully to the
other world. Kut are also held to celebrate the anniversaries of mudang (ritual
specialists) and to foster social ties among mudang.4)
Although kut is commonly understood to be a large-scale ritual with music and
dance, small-scale offerings to spirits without any music may also be referred to as
a kut. Large-scale rituals incorporating music and dance in Korea may be divided
broadly into two types― pungmul kut led by musicians who play percussion
instruments and hojeok (conical oboe), and mudang kut led by musically trained
mudang (ritual specialists), assisted by professional instrumental musicians who play
various traditional instruments.
Mudang5) (ritual specialists) may be classified broadly into three groups― gansinmu,
seseupmu, and hakseupmu―according to their roles and capacities. Gangsinmu
(spirit-possessed mudang) are male or female shamans chosen by the spirits.
Seseupmu (hereditary mudang) are mostly women who have inherited the role of
mudang from previous generations of family members. Hakseupmu (apprenticed
mudang) are male or female performers who choose to present ritual songs and
dances as concert programs on public stages.
In general, numerous gangsinmu reside in Seoul and north of the Han River6) while
most seseupmu live either south of the Han River or in the eastern part of the
Korean peninsula. Hakseupmu are found throughout the country. On the island of
Jeju, located in the far south, ritual specialists, both hereditary and
spirit-possessed, are known as simbang. It is interesting to note that male simbang
outnumber female simbang on Jeju Island, unlike the rest of the peninsula where
the majority of seseupmu (hereditary mudang) are female (Ch'oe 1992, 2:257).
In the following sections, I will discuss kut by seseupmu in sacred context and the
influence of ritual music on secular folk music; kut by gangsinmu in sacred context,
the relationship between spirit-possession and shamanism, musical training of
shamans, the various regional styles of ritual music, the music of Hanyang kut and
3) About one hundred maeul kut (community rituals) are held annually in the greater Seoul
area nowadays (Pak: personal communication 2001). Twenty of these are reported in Pak
2001.
4) Kut for an individual mudang's anniversary is referred to as jinjeok. The large-scale
annual Paldo Kut Festival sponsored by Gyeongsin Yeonhaphoe is a splendid gathering of
hundreds of ritual specialists. The members of Hyangpungphoe, the exclusive organization
of baksu (male spirit-possessed shamans), gather regularly for private rituals (Seo
2000:121-132).
5) As mentioned, ritual specialists are generally known as mudang, but various other terms
are used reflecting one's gender, specialty, or regional background, while others are
euphemistic. For example, baksu, dangol, mansin, simbang, and so on. (Seo 2000:62-3)
6) The Han River, 514 km long, flows through Seoul, providing water for irrigation and
industrial use.

Kut in Sacred and Secular Contexts 3
its relationship with secular court music; kut by hakseupmu in secular context; and
kut by gangsinmu and seseupmu as public performance in sacred context.
Throughout these sections, I will consider how social and economic changes have
influenced the performance practices of kut in sacred and secular contexts.
Kut by Seseupmu (Hereditary Mudang): Ritual Music and its Influence on Secular
Music
Korean seseupmu (hereditary mudang) are often mistaken for shamans. Seseupmu
offer prayers and rituals to gods, spirits, and ancestors on behalf of the community
or individuals, but they do not have means to communicate with the spirits directly.
In other words, they do not get spirit-possessed. We may regard seseupmu as
priest, following Lowie's distinction between shaman and priest.
Whereas a shaman by definition acquires his status through a personal communication by supernatural beings, the priest need
not have this face-to-face relationship with the spirit world but must have competence in conducting ritual (Lowie 1958:413).
Korean seseupmu (hereditary mudang) are usually women and competent ritual
specialists trained also in music and dance from an early age. Since hereditary
mudang families generally practice virilocal endogamy,7) a woman usually continues
her musical training under her mother-in-law after marriage and emerges as a
danggol mudang8) (vernacular term for hereditary mudang), carrying on the tradition
with her husband's family. Male members of seseupmu families assist the female
mudang in various ways according to their abilities. If musically talented, husbands
and male relatives of the seseupmu will provide music for the rituals by singing or
playing instruments for song and dance accompaniment. They are known as goin,
hwarang, or yeomjang. If additional musicians are needed, musicians from outside
the extended family of the seseupmu may be invited to perform. They are
professional instrumentalists, known as bigabi.
Since the kut in seseupmu tradition is performed without gongsu where the spirits
speak through the ritual specialists, the quality of musical performance and dramatic
presentation of the joys and sorrows of life have been highly developed to attract
and sustain the interest of audiences.
Kut by seseupmu in sacred context is now a dying tradition in many parts of
contemporary Korea as people have migrated to the cities since the 1960s,
reducing the rural population and the funding sources for kut within small
communities. Many seseupmu who were also farmers moved away from the
7) Hereditary mudang nearly always marry within the mudang community. The wife lives in
the home of her husband and in-laws after the wedding ceremony.
8) Danggol mudang is also known as dangol, dangol mudang or danggolle.

4 한국무속학
countryside to the cities for better job opportunities, adapting to new situations and
breaking away from the practice of performing kut for life cycle rituals and
seasonal celebrations.
In recent years, due to the decreasing number of seseupmu and musicians living
and working in the same community, it has been rare to hear any sinawi
(improvisational instrumental ensemble music) as part of seseupmu kut held in
sacred context. Sinawi is a well-known component of kut music repertoire in
southwestern Jeolla Provinces but the gathering of musicians for a kut has been
extremely difficult due to the recent social and economic changes. On the east
coast of the peninsula, however, two groups of seseupmu and musicians9) are still
actively engaged in presenting kut.
Despite the fact that the need for hereditary mudang kut in a sacred context has
decreased in farming communities and in the countryside, elements of the kut have
sustained their popularity by being presented in a secular context as part of the
traditional performance of music, dance, and drama. The music, speech, dance, and
symbolism of seseupmu rituals have influenced the development of various genres
of Korean folk music, dance, and theater. Many of the present-day folk music
genres in Korea―both vocal and instrumental―have developed largely from the kut
music of the hereditary mudang tradition. Vocal genres like pansori (solo epic
singing with buk accompaniment),10) byeongchang (solo singing accompanying
oneself on a string instrument),11) changgeuk (opera),12) and Namdo minyo (regional
folk songs of southwestern Provinces) reflect the melodic and rhythmic formulae of
the seseupmu kut music in both North and South Jeolla provinces. Instrumental
music genres like sanjo (instrumental solo accompanied by janggu or buk),13) sinawi
(instrumental ensemble),14) and samulnori (ensemble of four percussion instrument
s)15) have also developed from the seseupmu music tradition. The intricate
9) The two groups are led by Song Dong-Suk and Kim Seok-Chul (Jeong 1992:38; Yun 2000:135-6).
10) Pansori is often described as a one-person opera. The singer sings, acts, and tells
stories, accompanied by a puk (double-headed barrel drum) played by another musician.
11) Byeongchang began with gayageum (twelve-string zither) accompaniment but nowadays
byeongchang with geomungo (six-string zither), haegeum (two-string fiddle) and ajaeng
(bowed zither) are also performed.
12) Changgeuk is a musical drama sung in pansori style, but with several singers,
accompanied by string and wind instrumental ensembles, and drums-- buk (double-headed
barrel drum) and janggu (hourglass-shaped drum).
13) Sanjo is a solo instrumental genre developed in the late 19th century. Sanjo may be
performed on such instruments as gayageum, geomungo, haegeum, ajaeng, daegeum
(transverse flute), hojeok (conical oboe), and piri (cylindrical oboe).
14) Sinawi is an instrumental ensemble where all the musicians improvise based on music
derived from the seseupmu (hereditary mudang) kut in southwestern Jeolla Provinces.
15) Samulnori literally means four things to play. The samulnori ensemble plays four

Kut in Sacred and Secular Contexts 5
compound rhythms of the southeastern kut music provide the basis for samulnori
and the mournful melodic lines of the southwestern kut music echo in pansori,
sanjo, and sinawi.
As the demand for kut as sacred ritual diminishes, many hereditary mudang and
ritual musicians become minsok eumak (folk music) performers in present-day
Korea since they are considered to be singers and instrumentalists well trained in
these musical genres.
Kut by Gangsinmu (Korean Shamans) in Sacred Context
To consider the Korean gangsinmu (spirit-possessed mudang) as shamans, I would
like to employ the term shaman as defined by Reinhard:
A shaman is an individual religious expert who can enter into a non-ordinary psychic state (in which he either has his soul
undertake a journey to the spirit world or he becomes possessed by a spirit) in order to make contact with the spirit world on
behalf of members of his community. (Reinhard 1976:16)
For the etymology of the word shaman, Dioszegi suggests that the term may have
been derived from the Evenk word saman, originating from the Tunguso-Manchurian
verb sa meaning to know (Dioszegi 1947:211, quoted by Siikala 1987:14).
The role of the shaman (both male and female), on the other hand, is described by
Shirokogoroff:
In all Tungus languages this term [shaman] refers to persons of both sexes who have mastered spirits, who at their will can
introduce these spirits into themselves and use their power over the spirits in their own interests, particularly helping other people,
who suffer from the spirits. ([1935] 1980:269)
Among Korean mudang (ritual specialists), the term shaman, as defined above, may
be applied only to gangsinmu (spirit-possessed mudang), because only they
communicate with spirits and spirit-helpers of the supranormal world through spirit
possession or by calling spirits into their bodies at will. By this same definition, the
seseupmu (hereditary mudang) or hakseupmu (apprenticed mudang) are not to be
considered shamans. If a mudang is recruited from her hereditary family tradition,
she is referred to as seseupmu (hereditary mudang), but if a man or woman is
percussion instruments: janggu (hourglass-shaped drum), jing (large gong), kkwaenggwari
(small gong), and buk (double-headed barrel drum). The group Samulnori was formed in
1978 by four young male musicians. The founding members--Kim Duk-Soo (Kim
Deok-Su), Choe Jong-Sil, Lee Gwang-Su, and Kim Yong-Baewere born into the hereditary
namsadang (itinerant entertainers) tradition. The members of namsadang perform masked
drama, acrobatics, and pungmul nori (playing folk musical instruments) for village
gatherings, celebrations, and life cycle rituals.

6 한국무속학
elected by the spirits, he or she is referred to as gangsinmu (spirit-possessed
shaman).
Gangsinmu (spirit-possessed shamans), once elected by the spirits, must undergo a
transition, which is found in many forms of spirit possession, beginning with involuntary
affliction interpreted as divine calling and ending with the routine practice of ecstasy
by the established shaman (Lewis 1989:8). Turner’s concept of liminality suggests a
framework for understanding the liminal experience whereby an ordinary person is
transformed into a gangsinmu, a spirit-possessed shaman. Liminality, from the Latin
word limen (meaning threshold), suggests the great importance of real or symbolic
thresholds. Turner explains limen thusly:
[A] threshold, but at least in the case of protracted initiation rites or major seasonal festivals it is a very long threshold, a
corridor almost, or a tunnel which may become a pilgrim’s road, or, passing from dynamics to statics, may cease to be a mere
transition and become a set way of life, a state, that of the anchorite or monk. (Turner 1992:49)
Turner bases his theory of liminality on Van Gennep’s schema of rites de passage
which includes three phases: separation ( separation), transition ( marge), and
incorporation ( agregation) in serial terms, and preliminal, liminal, and postliminal in
temporal terms, accompanying changes of age and status in many cultures (Van
Gennep 1960:11). Thus we may interpret Van Gennep’s complete schema of rites of
passage as including preliminal rites (rites of separation), liminal rites (rites of
transition), and postliminal rites (rites of incorporation).
Korean gangsinmu (spirit-possessed shamans) commonly suffer from sinbyeong
(spirit sickness),16) indari,17) or financial loss in the preliminal period, learn esoteric
knowledge and ritual techniques as liminaries in the liminal period, and are
transformed into gangsinmu through a sacramental ritual, as Firth puts it, to serve
the community in the postliminal period (1958:126). Shamans of Inner Asia and
Korea initially suffer symptoms of spirit sickness as a necessary transition into
shamanhood.
In Korea, the initiation ritual is a requisite for a shaman to be accepted and
respected by the community. During a naerim kut (initiation ritual), a crucial
transformation takes place when ancestor spirits begin to inhabit the body ( gangsin)
of the initiand and to speak through him. This is understood as the opening of the
initiand’s malmun (literally, gate of words), and he or she is then considered
transformed into a neophyte shaman. The first moment of spirit possession
16) Sinbyeong (spirit sickness) is also referred to as mubyeong (sickness related to mu). For
a description of this sickness, refer to Harvey 1984:43-78.
17) Literal meaning, a human bridge. In mu, the indari alludes to the suffering of shamans
losing loved ones during the pre-liminal period. If the afflicted refuses to become a
shaman at his or her calling, his or her family members may experience serious illness or
die unless the chosen one accepts the fate of becoming a shaman.

Kut in Sacred and Secular Contexts 7
( gangsin) is thought to be the pivotal point for the candidate, transforming an
afflicted person into a neophyte shaman and marking the beginning of his or her
liminal period.
The criterion of the spirits talking through the Korean shaman recalls Clement's
definition of spirit possession as a distinct type of spirit intrusion:
Spirit intrusion includes all cases of disease ascribed to the presence in the body of a supernatural being. Possession is restricted
to cases in which the supernatural being speaks through his host. Generally, the only form of sickness it includes is insanity,
although this may have other causes, such as the loss of the soul. The criterion of true possession is the belief that the voice of
the possessed person is really that of the supernatural intruder. (Clements [1932] 1965:189-190)
Shaman’s Musical Training
Once the candidate is transformed to a shaman, one needs to learn many things
including music. The instructions are given by the gangsinmu who officiates at the
initiation ritual and becomes the neophyte’s sin eomeoni (spirit mother) or sin
abeoji (spirit father). The neophyte, male or female, chooses either a spirit mother
or spirit father. In modern Korea, if the relationship between spirit parents and
children becomes defective, a group instructions by a shaman instructor is available
in daily evening classes at the Musok Bojonhoe (Guillemoz 1998; Seo 2000).
Unlike the hereditary mudang who receives musical training at an early age,
neophyte shamans usually have to start as an adult. Neophytes learn stylized
speech patterns used in rituals, in other words, they learn how to deliver messages
( gongsu) and convey blessings ( deokdam) from the spirits. The subject matter may
differ from one spirit to another, but a stylized pattern of delivery is sustained with
some variation. Students also learn how to ad-lib witty phrases ( jaedam) aptly for
the sponsors.
Shamans learn ritual prayers, recitations, songs, and dances. Songs are in general
solo songs (strophic or epic songs), but some are duet songs (sung in unison or
call and response style). They also learn to play three traditional musical
instruments― bangul (bell or bell tree), jegeum (cymbals), and janggu
(hourglass-shaped drum)―for their rituals.
Various Regional Styles Performed in Seoul
The musical performance practices of kut reflects the particular regional musical
style embedded in local cultures and aesthetics. Kut were held on a grand scale in
the political centers of different kingdoms and dynasties throughout Korean history.
One may detect historical ties and musical influences remaining in the regional
variations of present-day muak (ritual music).18) The musical influences from

8 한국무속학
Goryeo Dynasty (9181392)
court music remain in the muak of Gyeonggi Province,
from Baekje Kingdom (18 B.C.E.-660) in the muak of North and South Jeolla
Provinces, from Silla Kingdom (57 B.C.E.-935) in muak of North and South
Gyeongsang Provinces, and from Goguryeo period (37 B.C.E.-668) in muak of
Hwanghae Province and North and South Pyeongan Provinces (Kim K. S. 1972:128).
Seoul, as the economic and cultural center for the nation over six hundred years,
has offered many opportunities for kut from different parts of Korea to be carried
out especially since the end of the Korean war (19501953).
For example, kut
originating from Hwanghae and Pyeongan Provinces in present North Korea have
been held by the spirit-possessed shamans who came down from the North to
reside in the South after the country was divided into the two nation states for
their political differences in 1945. Kut originating in different provinces of South
Korea have taken place in Seoul area both by the seseupmu (hereditary mudang)
and spirit-possessed shamans from Gyeonggi, Chungcheong, Gyeongsang, Jeolla, and
Jeju Provinces.
Seoul, the nation’s capital since 1394, was also known as Hanyang and Hanseong
during the Joseon Dynasty (13921910)
19) and as Gyeongseong 20) during the
Japanese occupation (19101945).
Despite the fact that rituals handed down aurally
in Seoul area are identified as either Seoul kut or Hanyang kut, I chose to use the
term Hanyang kut in order to distinguish them clearly from other regional styles of
kut held in Seoul.
In Hwanghae Province style kut, instruments such as jing (large gong), janggu, piri
(bamboo oboe), and hojeok (conical oboe) are played by professional musicians,
while shamans sing and shake various types of bangul bells. In Pyeongyang
Province style kut, kkwaenggwari (small gongs), jing, hojeok, piri, haegeum
(two-string fiddle), daegeum (bamboo transverse flute), and ssang janggu (literally,
twin janggu, i.e. a pair of janggu) are played by professional musicians for the
accompaniment of ritual songs and dances. Shamans usually sing and play bangul or
kkwaenggwari accentuating on strong beats of the rhythmic patterns.
In Hanyang kut, shamans learn and conduct the rituals by playing bangul, jegeum,
and janggu. Professional musicians may be hired in the following order, increasing
the number of musicians for the given ritual as the budget allows. First is a solo
musician of piri; then duet of piri and haegeum; trio of piri, haegeum, and daegeum;
quartet of haegeum, daegeum and two piri; and the samhyeon yukkak ensemble
18) Muak refers to songs and instrumental music used in kut. It is also known as kut eumak
(literally, ritual music) and kuttang eumak or tangak for short (literally, ritual hall music).
19) Hanyang was established as the capital of the Joseon Dynasty in 1394 by the dynasty's
founder Taejo (Yi Seong-Gye) because it was considered to be an auspicious site.
Hanyang was a city located in Hanseong county district.
20) Kyeongseong was pronounced as Keijo in Japanese.

Kut in Sacred and Secular Contexts 9
with six musicians, playing daegeum, haegeum, buk (barrel drum), janggu, and two
piri.
Musical practices in Hanyang Kut by Gangshinmu (Spirit- possessed Shamans)
Hanyang kut has sustained many components showing the influences from the
Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910) in its ritual clothing and objects, musical instruments,
and music repertoire. Since Seoul has been the capital of Korea for over six
centuries, many gangsinmu performing Hanyang kut often allude to their ties with
the Joseon Dynasty court by distinguishing kungan kut (rituals held in the court)
from kungbak kut (rituals held outside the court) in order to suggest authenticity
and to invoke a long line of tradition.
Most of the ritual clothings are fashioned after the kings, queens, and generals of
the Joseon Dynasty, and the Seoul Saenam Kut, a type of Hanyang kut, has been
presented in the elegant and refined mien of the court.
Many of the instrumental pieces played by the professional musicians in Hanyang
kut are also in the repertoire of court music handed down from the Joseon
Dynasty. For example, Jajin Hwanip is usually considered jeongak (upper-class or
court music) but it is also performed in Hanyang kut.21)
Traditionally the janggu (drum) used for Hanyang kut is jeongak janggu,22) the drum
used for upper-class and court music performances in secular context in
contemporary Korea. In Hanyang kut, solo songs may be sung by shamans either
seated on the floor while accompanying oneself on the janggu or while standing and
dancing. When mansubaji duet songs are sung, one shaman stands and sings while
the other one sits at the janggu, providing the drum accompaniment for both.
The daegeum (flute) played by a hired musician is also jeongak daegum, larger in
size than the minsok daegeum used in all other rituals throughout the peninsula.
Although ritual musicians are generally known as chaebi or aksa, the
instrumentalists performing at Hanyang kut are referred to as jeonak, the term used
in Joseon court for court musicians. Among the songs, the song Noraegarak in
Hanyang kut has a rhythmic pattern that is similar to the sijo songs enjoyed by the
court and elite.
Solo songs for Hanyang kut may be grouped into three: incantation songs, strophic
songs, and epic songs. The strophic songs like Taryeong and Noraegarak as well
as duet songs like Mansubaji are sung employing nogaba method. Nogaba is an
abbreviation for Norae gasa bakkweobureugi, which refers to the practice of
21) Jajin Hwanip is also known as Yeomyangchun. See Park (n.d.) for a discussion of
Yeomyangchun as court music and ritual music.
22) Janggu used in other rituals are known as minsok janggu and are smaller in size than the
jeongak janggu.

10 한국무속학
providing different lyrics for a given melody (Noh 1995:365).23) Shamans choose
appropriate texts for the given geori (section). For instance, shamans will sing
Sinjang Taryeong during the Sinjang geori and Daegam Taryeong during the
Daegam geori to honor the respective spirits of the given geori.
There is an important solo song in the Hanyang kut that is rarely heard. The song
Jungdi Batsan24) is sung by a shaman who is seated while accompanying himself or
herself on the janggu. This song is sung only once during the Seoul Saenam kut, a
type of Hanyang kut held to comfort the soul of the departed from a wealthy and
elite class. This song is sung with instrumental interludes provided by
samhyeonyukkak ensemble.
Epic songs are narrative songs sung with stock melodies. In Hanyang kut, there are
two well known epic songs, Hwangje Puri and Pari Kongju, sung during the rituals
for the living and the dead, respectively. Hwangje Puri is sung by a gangsinmu who
is seated on the floor, accompanying himself or herself on the janggu, and is
dressed in plain hanbok (Korean traditional clothing). For Pari Kongju, however, a
male or female shaman will get dressed in the formal attire of a princess, sit on a
chair and sing while accompanying himself or herself with bangul (bell tree) and
janggu. The janggu is played with a single stick, using only one drum head as the
shamans in Inner Asia use the frame drum with one stick.
It is important to note that not all shamans become competent in officiating kut
where music and dance are involved. There is a saying il cheong, i jo (literally,
first the voice; second, the correct tune). Songs are not easy to learn, expecially
Noraegarak, a song for solo and duet repertoire, with its complicated rhythmic
patterns. Since epic songs take about two hours to sing, one needs to have great
patience and good memory to learn and recite them in their entirety. That is why
people give tremendous respect to the shamans who sing well and those who
mastered the two epic narrative songs.
Kut by Gangsinmu Adapting to Changes
In recent years, most kut by gangsinmu (spirit-possessed shamans) in sacred
context have been held privately in kuttang, rented halls designated for
23) The term nogaba originally referred to a tradition that began in the late 18th century as
Korean Catholic priests taught didactic songs to their congregations using Korean folk
song melodies. Since few Koreans knew any Western languages, missionaries encouraged
them to sing hymns with Korean words set to Western melodies or Korean folk song
melodies (Noh 1995:365).
24) Jungdi Batsan is an incantation song. At the time Seoul Saenam kut was discovered by
the government appointed official and consultant, Kim Seon-Pung, the munhwajae jeonmun
wiweon, reported the fact that Yi Sang-Sun is the only gangsinmu who can sing the ritual
song Jungdi Batsan (1995:55).

Kut in Sacred and Secular Contexts 11
performances of shaman rituals. Kut are also still taking place in residences or
work places privately. In earlier days, kut held in private homes were attended by
neighbors and community members at large, but they no longer are easily
accessible for outsiders because they are held within a closed space that is tightly
guarded by the people involved in order to evade unnecessary criticism by some
Koreans who still look down on kut.
In contemporary Korea, the demand for kut are increasing and numerous kuttang
(ritual halls) are built in and around the cities as well as in remote areas to
accommodate shamans’ needs. Since kut are held privately and away from one’s
home, people do not have to worry about neighbors learning about their personal
circumstances and are more willing to sponsor a kut, feeling protected from any
gossip and criticism. It is also a lot less work for the sponsoring family members
because everything is prepared by the hired shaman who officiates the kut. Since
the economic crisis in Korea, men are more visible in sponsoring kut in order to
overcome adversity in their businesses or to secure their job opportunities.
In earlier days, when kut were held openly, people had numerous chances to observe
rituals sponsored by their family, relatives, friends, neighbors, and community at large.
People could learn about kut by attending many rituals and comparing the quality of
rituals. The general audience knew the order of the geori (sections) of kut and how
they should be presented, and people were quick to point out if any inexperienced
shaman made a mistake or did not sing well. They had a high standard of expectation
for the ritual performance by gangsinmu and often did not ask for a shaman if his or
her quality of performance did not satisfy the sponsors. This challenged the neophytes
to learn the rituals including music and dance properly in order not to get embarrassed
by the public during kut.
With the increasing demand for kut in recent years, however, many shamans are
overbooked and some choose not to invest the time and energy to learn the ritual
skills properly, because they are hired quite easily for substantial remuneration
even without proper training. Since most kut in sacred context are held in private
quarters, people in general have no way of finding out where any ritual is held, and
no opportunity to learn about rituals and compare one ritual to another. Knowing
the fact that sponsors of today have limited knowledge of rituals, some shamans
think they can get away with little training. As a result, the standard of quality in
music performance by many shamans has been decreasing, despite the fact that the
number of kut officiated by shamans in Korea is increasing greatly.
On the other hand, several musically competent shamans have been honored as the
boyuja, designated performers, for Important Intangible Cultural Properties by the
Korean government. For example, Kim Keum-Hwa and Kim Yu-Gam are shamans
who achieved the highest artistic status in Korea by being designated as the ingan
munhwajae (literally, human treasure) for their ritual skills for Hwanghae Province

12 한국무속학
style kut and Seoul Saenam Kut, repectively.25) They perform their kut annually in
weonhyeong (original form) for public audiences. Several other shamans, although
they are not officially recognized as boyuja by the government for their artistic
merits, have held public performance of kut, some annually and others occasionally.
Kut by Hakseupmu (Appreticed Mudang) in Secular Context
Musically talented people who perform songs from the kut (ritual) repertoire on concert
stages are referred to as hakseupmu (apprenticed mudang). In recent years, hakseupmu
who are neither gangsinmu (spirit-possessed shaman) nor seseupmu (hereditary
mudang), have begun to include kut songs in their performances and have even claimed
to present the kut of the gangsinmu tradition on the concert stage. Despite the fact that
these professional singers sing the same songs of the gangsinmu songs, their
performances are carried out for “entertainment,” not for ritual “efficacy” (Schechner
1988:120).
I would like to mention two hakseupmu who perform kut in a secular context: Kim
Hye-Ran and Pak Jeong-Uk. Both Kim and Pak, who are well known professional
folk singers, learned ritual songs from gangsinmu teachers in order to perform
properly according to the ritual tradition. The first kut were performed in 1993 at
Yesul eui Jeondang in Seoul26) by Kim Hye-Ran (b. 1951)27) and at the Small
Theater, National Center for Korean Traditional Performing Arts by Pak Jeong-Uk
(b. 1964).28) Kim Hye-Ran is a folk singer designated by the government as isuja
(master artist) of Important Intangible Cultural Property #57, Gyeonggi Province
minyo (folk songs), while Pak Jeong-Uk is a folk singer specializing in folk songs
from the seodo (northwestern provinces), namely, Hwanghae and Pyeongyang
Provinces. Pak has been presenting ritual songs annually on concert stages along
with folk songs from the northwestern region.
Folk songs in the Korean peninsula have distinguishing characteristics in each
region. Folk songs express and reveal unique aesthetics of the region in tori,
musical dialects. The regional tori are expressed in their distinctive melodic lines,
vocal timbres, ornamentation, and rhythmic patterns, particularly in the folk and
ritual songs of a given area, as the saturi (regional dialects) with unique accents
and particular expressions exist in the vernacular language in every corner of
Korea. The musical tori in Korea may be broadly divided into four groups: gyeong
25) Kim Keum-Hwa is the boyuja for Seohaean Paeyeonsin Kut mit Daedong Kut, the
Important Intangible Cultural Property #82 (na). Kim Yu-Gam is the boyuja for Seoul
Saenam Kut, the Important Intangible Cultural Property #104.
26) The kut was performed on November 7, 1993 in Toweol Theater, which seats 667.
27) Kim Hye-Ran's legal name is Kim Suk-Geun.
28) The kut by Pak Jeong-Uk was performed on September 4, 1993.

Kut in Sacred and Secular Contexts 13
tori in Seoul and nearby Gyeonggi province, menari tori in the eastern provinces,
yukjabaegi tori in the southwestern provinces, and susimga tori in the northwestern
provinces (Lee 1982:173-186).
It is difficult for anyone to assimilate and express flawlessly the inherent aesthetics
of regions other than one's own in music or speech. Consequently, most
professional singers specialize in the secular and sacred song repertoires from one
geographical area which share the same musical tori. Kim Hye-Ran and Pak
Jeong-Uk specialize in gyeong tori and susimga tori, repectively, and present the
ritual songs from the area where they have an insider’s perception of the local
culture. Kim Hye-Ran learned her ritual songs from Kim Yu-Gam, the shaman and
the boyuja of Seoul Saenam Kut.
Pak Jeong-Uk, on the other hand, learned his ritual songs from Kim Keum-Hwa, as
well as (the late) Jang Bo-Bae and Yi Seon-Bi.29) In addition, Pak learned
Baebaengi Kut, a parody of a shaman ritual, from Yi Eun-Gwan.30) Baebaengi Kut is
a secular epic song genre from the northwestern provinces, now part of North
Korea, and is sung in susimga tori. Like the pansori (epic song) from the southern
part of the peninsula, the Baebaengi Kut is performed by a solo singer with a drum
accompaniment provided by an instrumentalist. Both Baebaengi Kut and pansori
singers sing ( chang), narrate ( aniri), act ( neoreumsae), and dance ( ballim), with
minimum props―a fan, a stick, and a kerchief. The drummer shouts encouragement
( chuimsae) while providing musical accompaniment. Baebaengi Kut is accompanied
by the hourglass-shaped drum ( janggu), unlike pansori, which is accompanied by
the double-headed barrel drum known as sori puk or kojang puk.
While observing many kut held in sacred and secular contexts in the last ten years,
I have noticed that the numbers of highly skilled ritual musicians―both shamans and
professional ritual musicians―are decreasing due do their deaths, old age, and lack
of young people mastering the musical skills. Under these circumstances, kut by
folk singers have been popular because general audiences not only can attend a kut
but also they can enjoy the ritual songs performed by highly acclaimed professional
singers.
Kut by Gangsinmu and Seseupmu as Public Performance in Sacred Context
In recent years, conscientious efforts are being made to present mudang kut by
gangsinmu or seseupmu in their entirety and in sacred contexts for the public. For
example, Seoul Saenam kut was performed for the late Mrs. Han’s soul as part of
their third annual presentation on October 31, 1999 at Gyeongbok Palace.
29) Jang and Yi are shamans and boyuja (designated performers), of the Hwanghaedo
Pyeongsan Sonoreum Kut, Important Intangible Cultural Property #90.
30) Yi is boyuja of Baebaengi Kut, Important Intangible Cultural Property #29.

14 한국무속학
A Hwanghae province style kut was held on November 5, 1999 at the Seodaemun
Hyeongmuso (literally, West Gate Prison) in Seoul to comfort the souls of the
prisoners who died there. Since the prison was built in 1908, many patriots and
freedom fighters had been imprisoned and tortured to death. Kim Mae-Mul (b.
1939), a female shaman, and Pak In-Gyeom (b. 1946), a paksu (male shaman),
officiated at the Suwang Kut31) for the souls of ninety prisoners who were put to
death at this prison. The souls of the ninety prisoners were selected because their
sacrifices during the Japanese occupation era had been acknowledged by the
present Korean government. To comfort the souls of the unknown patriots and
freedom fighters, however, numerous blank wip'ae were symbolically hung at the
entrance to the execution building (see figure 1).
<Figure 1> Hwanghae province style kut at Seodaemun Hyeongmuso (November 5, 1999) with blank
wip'ae for unknown patriots and freedom fighters who were executed there.
During the annual Jeonju Sanjo Festival, two kut by Chae Jeong-Rye, a well known
seseupmu of Jindo, were presented as sacred rituals for the public. One was sikkim
kut for the souls of Kim Chang-Jo (18651920),
the creator of gayageum sanjo, and
his granddaughter, Kim Juk-Pa (19111989),
a well-known gayageum sanjo
performer. On October 8, 2001 a Seongju kut was held to usher in good fortune for
Kim Il-Gu, an ajaeng (bowed zither) master, and his family at their new
residence/studio complex in Jeonju.
Concluding Thoughts
In earlier days one could find a kut in progress by drawing near to the source of
musical sounds―often the homes of mudang or clients, or places where kut were
held for the community. In contemporary Korea, the feelings among most Koreans
toward kut in sacred context are at best ambivalent. Some Koreans regard kut as a
source for their ethnic arts but feel uncomfortable acknowledging any of its
31) Suwang Kut is a Hwanghae Province style ritual for the dead, held for those who passed
away at least three years prior to the ritual date.

Kut in Sacred and Secular Contexts 15
religious elements. Some turn to shamans when desperate, but carry on life before
and afterwards without any further involvement. Others regularly offer prayers
alongside shamans and seek help from the spirits to find peace, health, and wealth
for their families. People in general are reluctant to attend kut, being afraid to be
identified as mu practitioners in the community or having the fear of becoming
spirit-possessed while attending any shaman ritual.
In recent years, kut performances by gangsinmu and seseupmu have been
performed for ritual efficacy as public performances. They are sometimes presented
in a well-respected theater or outdoor stage, rather than at a shrine. Although
these kut are performed for ritual efficacy in sacred contexts, they are done in
public spaces that suggest a secular context and reduce the apprehension that the
general public might feel about attending a ritual. Many people overlook the
religious aspect of kut if it is held for the public, and consider the performance as
an archetype of traditional Korean performing arts, sanctioned by the government.
People involved in kut are quick to tell me how Korean indigenous religion has not
rejected other imported religions but accepted them throughout history. Although
marginalized by Confucianism, Taoism, Buddhism, Christianity, Islam, and new
religions developed in Korea, kut has thrived and been sustained by many Koreans.
The various integral parts visible in kut of today show how harmoniously the native
religion has adopted foreign elements into its rituals.
From my life's experiences, I have learned that people in general are apprehensive
of what they do not understand. Fear of kut among people has been escalated by
different degrees of ignorance (absent knowledge), mysteries (inaccessible
knowledge), and secrets (denied knowledge) (Mitchell 1992:v). I admit that I began
my fieldwork among Korean shamans with considerable anxiety. I was afraid of
being spirit-possessed, because every Korean I knew had forwarned me; however, I
am convinced now that no one has to worry about becoming spirit-possessed
simply because one learns about kut, spends time with shamans, or participates in
kut.
As a member of the scholarly community searching for our roots, I would like to
encourage those who might look down on mu and our own worldview to put aside
their prejudice for a moment and ponder what it means to be a Korean, considering
the following statement made by Hulbert,32) who lived among Koreans and observed
them for more than two decades:
As a general thing, we may say that the all-round Korean will be a Confucianist when in society, a Buddhist when he
philosophises and a spirit-worshipper when he is in trouble. Now, if you want to know what a man’s religion is, you must watch
him when he is in trouble. Then his genuine religion will come out, if he has any. It is for this reason that I conclude that the
32) Homer B. Hulbert was an American missionary educator who lived in Korea for
twenty-one years between 1886 and 1907.

16 한국무속학
underlying religion of the Korean, the foundation upon which all else is mere superstructure, is his original spirit-worship. ([1906]
1969:403-404)
I anticipate that the worldview rooted in kut will live, often concealed, sometimes
guardedly revealed, but always deep in Korean hearts.
At performances of kut, as well as performances of Korean folk music, the
audience often includes gwi myeongchang (people with an ear for good music).
These members of the audience have a great knowledge and appreciation for music
and musicianship. They are invaluable critics, expecting a high quality of music
presentation. Therefore, musicians have to strive to prepare and perform their
concert with utmost care. Performer and audience are mutually dependent. The
quality of any performance depends not only on the performer's artistic skills but
on the audience's knowledge and expectations as well.
In performances of kut and Korean folk music, the chuimsae (encouraging shouts
from the audience) are an integral part of the musical practice. People shout
chuimsae such as jota! (good!), jalhanda! (nice going!), and eolssigu! (oh, yes!) to
express their satisfaction and enjoyment of a performance. The chuimsae are
expressed during the performance at various moments in the musical phrases,
unlike the applause that follows at the end of a performance. Chuimsae reflect the
audience’s knowledge and appreciation of the music and are an important form of
feedback and interaction between audience and performer.
If kut are presented more frequently for the public, providing more opportunities for
people in the audience to learn about the variety and quality of ritual performances,
a higher standard of kut performances will be maintained. I would like to close this
article with the hope of hearing more enthusiastic chuimsae from the sponsors,
families, friends, and audience members at future performances of kut.

Kut in Sacred and Secular Contexts 17
[Bibliography]
Ch'oe, Kil-Seong
1992 Hanguk Musokji: Gyeongbuk, Gangweon, Jeju, Seoul, and Hwanghaedo [Journals on Korean Musok] vol. #2. Seoul: Asea Munhwasa.
Clements, Forrest E.
1965 Primitive Concepts of Disease. In A. L. Kroeber, Robert H. Lowie and Ronald (1932) L. Olson, eds. American Archaeology and
Ethnology. Berkeley: University of California Press. 32(2):185-252.
Guillemoz, Alexandre
1998 “What Do the Naerim Mudang from Seoul Learn?” In K. Howard, ed. Korean Shamanism: Revivals, Survivals, and Change. Seoul: Royal
Asiatic Society Korean Branch. 6:73-89.
Firth, Raymond
1958 “Religion in Social Reality.” In W. A. Lessa and E. Z. Vogt, eds. Readers in Comparative Religion: An Anthropological Approach. Evanston,
Illinoise: Row, Peterson and Company. 124-133.
Harvey, Youngsook Kim
1984 Korean Mudang: Socialization Experiences of Six Female Shamans. Ph.D. diss. in Anthropology, 1976: University of Hawaii.
Hulbert, Homer B.
1969 The Passing of Korea. Seoul: Yonsei University Press.
(1906)
Jeong, Byeong-Ho
1992 Minsok Gihaeng [An Account of Traveling through Folklore]. Seoul: Nunpit.
Kim, Ki-Su
1972 Gugak Ipmun [Introduction to Korean Traditional Music]. Seoul: Hanguk Gojeon Eumak Chulpansa.
Kim Seon-Pung
1996 Seoul Saenam Kut. In Seoul Saenam Kut: Muhyeong Munhwajae Balgul Gi/Yeneung Josa Yeongu Bogoseo #227 [Seoul Saenam Kut: Research
Report on Discovery of Artists for Intangible Cultural Properties, #227]. Seoul: Munhwajae Gwalliguk. 35-55.
Lee, Bo-hyung [Yi, Bo-Hyeong]
1982 “Gyeongseo Torigweon eui Muga Minyo [Ritual Songs of Gyeongseo Musical Dialect Area.]” In Na Un-Yeong Baksa Hoegap Ginyeom
Nonmunjip. Seoul: Segwang. 173-186.
Lewis, I. M.
1989 Ecstatic Religion: A Study of Shamanism and Spirit Possession. London: Routledge.
Lowie, Robert H.
1958 Shamans and Priests Among the Plains Indians. In W. A. Lessa and E. Z. Vogt, eds. Reader in Comparative Religion: An
Anthropological Approach. Evanston, Illinois: Row, Peterson and Company. 9:411-413.

18 한국무속학
Michell, Richard G. Jr.
1992 Secrecy and Fieldwork: Qualitative Research Methods Vol. 29. Newsbury Park, CA: Sage Publication.
Noh, Tong-Eun [Dong-Eun]
1995 Hanguk Geundae Eumaksa 1 [Recent Music History 1]. Seoul: Hangilsa.
Pak, Heung-Ju
2001 Seoul eui Maeul Kut [Community Rituals in Seoul]. Seoul: Seomundang.
Park, Peter Joon
n.d. ‘Yeomyangchun’: Korean Court Music Performed as Shaman Ritual Music in Seoul. M.A. thesis in Ethnomusicology. Seattle:
University of Washington (forthcoming).
Reinhard, Johan
1976 Shamanism and Spirit Possession: The Definition Problem. In J. T. Hitchcock and R. L. Jones, eds. Spirit Possession in the Nepal
Himalayas. New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House Ltd. 2:12-20.
Schechner, Richard
1988 Performance Theory. Revised and expanded edition. NY: Routledge.
Seo, Maria Kongju
2000 Ritual Music of Hanyang Kut by Spirit-Possessed Shamans in Korea. Ph.D. diss. in Ethnomusicology. Seattle: University of Washington.
Shirokogoroff, S. M.
1980 Psychomental Complex of the Tungus. NY: AMS Press, Inc.
(1935)
Siikala, Anna-Leena
1987 The Rite Technique of the Siberian Shaman. Helsinki: Academia Scientiarum (1978) Fennica. PF Communication No. 220.
Turner, Victor
1992 Blazing the Trail: Way Marks in the Exploration of Symbols. Tuscon & London: The University of Arizona Press.
Van, Gennep Arnold
1960 The Rites of Passage: A Classic Study of Cultural Celebrations. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
Yun Dong-hwan
2000 “Seseupmu eui Hakseup Chegye wa Kut eui Byeonhwa [Korean shaman’s Learning System and the Variation of ‘Gut’].” Korean
Shamanism. 2:133-158.

Kut in Sacred and Secular Contexts 19
제의식과 공연예술로서의 굿
서 마리아
이 글은 연구자가 재미 민족음악학자로서 지난 10여년 동안 한국에 와서 여러 “굿”을 참관
하면서 느낀 것을 바탕으로 쓴 논문이다. 연구자는 세습무와 강신무의 제례의식인 굿을 보
았고, 소리꾼이 진행하는 공연예술로서의 굿도 보았다.
가무가 겸해진 제례의식으로 알려진 굿은 크게 풍물굿과 무당굿으로 구분되지만, 이 글에서
는 무당굿의 음악을 중심으로 다루었다. 종교의례로서의 굿을 주관하는 무당(세습무와 강신
무) 중에서 샤마니즘을 연구하는 학자들의 이론을 빌려 강신무를 한국의 유일한 샤만으로
조명해 보았고, 내림굿을 받은 후 학습하여야 되는 음악교육과정을 살펴보았다. 어려서부터
음악에 훈련이 된 세습무들과는 달리, 갑자기 신내림을 받은 애동기자는 굿의 문외한인 경
우가 대부분이다. 애동기자가 내림굿을 맡아준 무당을 신부모로 모시고 여러 가지를 배울
수 있다면 이상적이겠지만, 오랜 세월을 마다 않고 신자식을 이끌어주는 신부모는 사실상
드물다. 그 때문에 무속보존회에서 주최하는 강의에 매일 저녁 모이는 기자의 수가 늘고 있
다. 애동기자는 공수, 덕담, 재담부터 배우기 시작해서 방울, 제금, 장구도 다루어야 되고,
여러 가지 무가를 배워야 한다. 막상 신복을 입고 굿에 임할 때는 연주자로서의 재능과 기
능도 따라주어야 하니 참으로 어려운 일이다.
얼마 전만 해도, 굿을 접하기가 쉬웠기에 굿을 볼 줄 아는 사람들이 많았다. 요즈음에는 각
별히 굿에 관심을 가지고 참여하는 사람들 외에는, 한국인이라도 대부분 굿이 사라졌다고
생각한다. 그 때문에 소리꾼이 펼치는 굿이 신기롭고, 때때로 연주형식으로 행하여지는 무
당굿이 한국의 전통예술의 근본이라고 생각되어 관객의 호기심을 끌게 되는 것 같다. 어떤
예능부문이라도 연주의 질적 향상은 연주자의 기능과 관객의 심취도가 병행하여서 이루어지
는 것이다. 민속음악의 귀명창들이 명인 명창을 긴장하게 만들듯이, 많은 사람들이 굿의 진
수를 좀 더 알게 된다면, 앞으로 훌륭한 무당굿을 이끌어 가는 데 도움이 될 것이다.