Re:“일 ‘독도 일본땅 표기’에 MB ‘기다려달라’고 했다”

[독도 이상훈]

http://news.khan.co.kr/kh_news/khan_art_view.html?artid=201202200300115&code=910302

“일 ‘독도 일본땅 표기’에 MB ‘기다려달라’고 했다”

이서화 기자 tingco@kyunghyang.com     입력 : 2012-02-20 03:00:11ㅣ수정 : 2012-02-20 11:42:19

ㆍ위키리크스 공개 4년 전 미 외교전문서 확인

일본 요미우리신문은 이명박 대통령이 2008년 7월9일 홋카이도(北海道)

도야코(洞爺湖) 주요 8개국(G8) 정상회의에서 후쿠다 야스오(福田康夫) 총리로부터

‘중학교 사회과 학습지도요령 해설서에 다케시마(竹島·독도의 일본명)를

일본땅이라고 명기하지 않을 수 없다’는 사실을 통보받고

 “지금은 곤란하다. 기다려달라”고 말했다고 같은 달 15일 보도했다.

보도가 나오자 이 대통령 발언의 진위를 둘러싸고 양국에서는 논란이 벌어졌다.

일본 문부과학성은 전날 독도를 자국의 영토라고 명기한 학습지도요령

해설서를 공표했다. 미묘한 시점에 터진 이 보도에 대해 청와대는

즉각 “사실무근”이라며 부인했다. 당시 이동관 대변인은 “한국 내부를

분열시키고 독도 문제의 본질을 왜곡시키기 위한 일본 언론 측 보도라면

용납할 수 없다”고 말했다. 그러나 당시 한국의 한 외교관이 “이 대통령이

일본 총리에게 ‘기다려달라’고 했다”고 발언한 것으로 확인됐다.

19일 경향신문이 입수한 폭로전문 사이트 위키리크스의 미 외교전문을 보면

2008년 7월16일 강영훈 주일 한국대사관 1등 서기관은 교과서 문제에 대해

이 대통령이 후쿠다 총리에게 ‘기다려달라’고 부탁했다고 말한 것으로 나와 있다.

이 전문은 강 서기관의 발언 다음날인 2008년 7월17일 작성됐다. 위키리크스는

 지난해 8월 이 문서를 공개했다.

☞ [바로가기]위키리크스 전문

☞ [바로가기]위키리크스 전문(한국어)

강 서기관은 당시 주일 미국대사관의 정치담당관을 만나 일본의 중학교

학습지도요령 해설서 발표에 대해 “특히 이 대통령이 후쿠다 총리에게

‘기다려달라’고 직접 부탁한 직후

(particularly after Lee directly appealed to PM Fukuda to ‘hold back’)여서

한국 정부 관료들은 ‘배신감’을 느낀다”고 말했다. 요미우리신문의

15일 보도에 한국 정부가 반박했지만 이튿날 주일 한국대사관 관계자가

이 대통령의 발언을 확인해준 셈이다. 이 문제는 이후 국내에서 소송으로 번졌다.

대법원은 지난해 1월 백모씨 등 1886명의 국민소송단이 요미우리신문을

상대로 낸 손해배상 청구소송에서 원고 패소 판결하면서 이 대통령이

‘기다려달라’고 말한 사실은 없다고 결론냈다.

위키리크스는 또 2008년 한·일 정상회담 직후 외교전문을 인용해

주한 일본대사관의 정치참사관이 “이명박 대통령은 노무현 대통령보다

‘두꺼운 피부’를 가져 불가피하게 발생하는 사소한 트러블(한·일 간 마찰)을

견뎌낼 수 있을 것”이라고 말했다고 전했다. 이 참사관은 이어 “이번 한·일 정상회담은

과거와 영토 문제에 대한 논의를 피하면서 경제협력을 강화하는 데

초점을 맞췄다”고 평가했다.
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Viewing cable 08TOKYO1985, TOKYO DECISION TO INCLUDE TAKESHIMA IN TEXTBOOKS

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Reference ID	Created	Released	Classification	Origin
08TOKYO1985	2008-07-17 06:41	2011-08-30 01:44	CONFIDENTIAL	Embassy Tokyo

VZCZCXRO9463OO RUEHFK RUEHKSO RUEHNHDE RUEHKO #1985/01 1990641ZNY CCCCC ZZHO 170641Z JUL 08FM AMEMBASSY TOKYOTO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 5910INFO RUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY BEIJING PRIORITY 4418RUEHMO/AMEMBASSY MOSCOW PRIORITY 2426RUEHUL/AMEMBASSY SEOUL PRIORITY 0408RUEHFK/AMCONSUL FUKUOKA PRIORITY 8905RUEHNH/AMCONSUL NAHA PRIORITY 1279RUEHOK/AMCONSUL OSAKA KOBE PRIORITY 2634RUEHKSO/AMCONSUL SAPPORO PRIORITY 9488RUEHSH/AMCONSUL SHENYANG PRIORITY 0654RHMFISS/USFJ  PRIORITYRHEHAAA/NSC WASHDC PRIORITYRHHMUNA/HQ USPACOM HONOLULU HI PRIORITYRHMFISS/COMUSKOREA SEOUL KOR PRIORITYRUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK PRIORITY 0813RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC PRIORITY

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 TOKYO 001985  SIPDIS  E.O. 12958: DECL: 07/17/2016 TAGS: PREL PGOV JA KNSUBJECT: TOKYO DECISION TO INCLUDE TAKESHIMA IN TEXTBOOKS MAY HAVE "EXPLOSIVE" IMPACT ON JAPAN-ROK RELATIONS  Classified By: Charge d' Affaires, a.i. James Zumwalt.  Reasons 1.4 (B)  and (D).  ¶1. (C) Summary.  ROK Embassy diplomats describe Japan's decision to mention the Liancourt Rocks in educational documents as "explosive."  Officials in Seoul felt "betrayed" by the move, especially after ROK President Lee Myung-bak directly appealed to Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda to "hold back" on the textbook issue at their summit on the margins of the Hokkaido Lake Toya G8 meeting.  According to the Embassy, the textbook controversy could have a "serious impact" on the ROK's foreign policy with Tokyo, casting doubt on Seoul's participation in the Japan-ROK-PRC summit, and has the potential to affect South Korea's participation in the Six-Party Talks process.  Media and academic contacts note conservative Diet politicians influenced PM Fukuda's position, which appears to have been crafted by Chief Cabinet Secretary Machimura and based on complex internal party politics.  End Summary.  ------------------- Explosive Situation -------------------  ¶2. (C) On July 16, ROK Embassy First Secretary Kang Young-hoon told Embassy Tokyo political officer that Tokyo's July 14 decision to include its claim to the disputed Liancourt Rocks (named Takeshima by Japan and Dokto by South Korea) in an educational manual used by junior high school students was "very, very serious," "enormous," and "explosive."  Following efforts made by new ROK President Lee Myung-bak to put aside the contentious historical differences that have plagued ROK-Japan relations, Kang said Seoul officials felt a sense of "betrayal," particularly after Lee directly appealed to PM Fukuda to "hold back" on the textbook issue at their bilateral summit on the margins of the Hokkaido Lake Toya G8 meeting.  ¶3. (C) According to Kang, Tokyo's actions "undermine the partnership" both sides hope to establish, and as a result, the ROK-Japan relationship was now "frozen."   During a 40-minute meeting on July 15, ROK Ambassador Kwon Chul-hyun warned Japanese Vice Foreign Minister Mitoji Yabunaka that Tokyo's decision would have a serious affect on the bilateral relationship.  Kwon told Yabunaka Seoul was not sure public opinion would allow PM Fukuda to visit South Korea this fall - the next planned step in the so-called "shuttle diplomacy" which the two countries resumed following reciprocal leaders' visits in 2007-08.  The textbook ruling, which Kang noted would have "serious impact" on the ROK's foreign policy with Tokyo, also cast doubt on Seoul's participation in the Japan-ROK-PRC summit, which Tokyo planned to host this fall. The Six-Party Talks process might also be affected, though Kang provided few specifics as to what steps South Korea might take.  Seoul recalled Ambassador Kwon, who departed July 15 and plans to remain in Seoul indefinitely, Kang reported.  ----------------------- Internal Party Dynamics -----------------------  ¶4. (U) MEXT controls educational content in Japanese schools via two documents: 1) a legally binding teaching guideline which is revised every ten years, and 2) a non-binding teacher's manual (the document promulgated July 14), issued in accordance with the guideline, which provides examples to textbook authors.  Though there is no legal requirement to do so, government officials usually update the non-binding manual when the new guidelines are issued.  The legally-binding guidelines were updated in March 2008, so MEXT officials took the opportunity to update the non-binding manual based on the new guidelines.  ¶5. (C)  PM Fukuda based his decision to include the controversial text in the manual on complex internal party politics, according to Keio University Professor Junya  TOKYO 00001985  002 OF 002   Nishino and other Embassy Tokyo contacts.  During a 2005 discussion of the guidelines, then MEXT minister and conservative LDP Diet member Nariaki Nakayama promised to include wording on Japan's territorial claims to the Liancourt Rocks in the next non-binding manual.  Nishino assessed that Fukuda was forced to follow this advice, which had been backed by a powerful conservative education caucus led by LDP heavyweights CCS Machimura, former LDP PM Yoshiro Mori, and still-influential former PM Shinzo Abe.  According to Noshino, FM Koumura participated in three-way consultations with Machimura and current MEXT minister Kisaburo Tokai, but exerted little influence on the decision.  Fukuda delayed the announcement until after the Hokkaido Lake Toya G8 meeting, which included the meeting with President Lee.  ----------------------------- Fukuda Reacts to ROK Pressure -----------------------------  ¶6. (C) PM Fukuda strongly supports the textbook changes and engineered the three-way exchanges between Machimura, Koumura, and Tokai, media contacts close to the Prime Minister's office (Kantei) assert.  According to these reporters, Koumura argued that the timing of the announcement was not right but in the end, the conservative leanings of all three men led them to approve the revision.  ¶7. (C) Fukuda feared the adverse public reaction resulting from the perception he had buckled under pressure from ROK officials, who were "adamant" about not including the reference to the Liancourt Rocks in the new manual, media sources tell Embassy Tokyo.  In a bit of reverse logic, Fukuda may have sought to head off adverse public reaction to South Korea - the kind shown by right-wing activists during the controversy on Yasukuni Shrine - by refusing to be seen as bowing to Seoul's wishes. ZUMWALT

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제 목: 교과서에 다케시마를 포함시킨 일본정부의 결정은 한일관계에 ‘폭발적인’ 파장 있을 것
요점
일촉즉발의 상황
당내 역동성
한국정부의 압력에 대한 후쿠다의 반응
참조 링크
원본 및 다운로드
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08TOKYO1985 
2008-07-17 06:41 
2011-08-30 01:44 
기밀 
주일 미국 대사관
</div><h1 class="sectionedit2">제 목: 교과서에 다케시마를 포함시킨 일본정부의 결정은 한일관계에 ‘폭발적인’ 파장 있을 것</h1><div class="level1">
기 밀 SECTION 01 OF 02 TOKYO 001985 
국방부망 배포1)
행정명령 12958: 비밀해제: 07/17/2016 
태그: PREL2), PGOV3), JA4), KN5)
제 목: 교과서에 다케시마를 포함시킨 일본정부의 결정은 한일관계에 “폭발적인” 파장 있을 것
분류자: 대사 직무 대행 당분간 제임스 줌월트6) 근거 1.4 (B) and (D). 
번역자: PoirotKr (트위터 사용자명) — Micheal H. Rhee 2012/02/16 08:31
</div><h2 class="sectionedit3">요점</h2><div class="level2">
1.(기밀) 요점: 한국 대사관 외교관들은 학습지도요령 해설서에 독도를 명기하기로 한 일본의 결정은 “폭발력”이 있다고 설명했다. 한국정부 관계자들은 일본의 그런 행보에 “배신감”을 느꼈고, 특히 홋카이도(北海道) 도야코(洞爺湖) G8 정상회의 한켠에서 정상회담을 가지면서, 교과서 문제에 대해서 후쿠다 야스오 총리에게 “hold back”7)고 한국의 이명박 대통령이 직접 부탁을 한 이후라 더 그렇다. 대사관에 따르면, 교과서 논란은 일본정부에 대한 한국의 외교정책상에 “심각한 논란”을 가져다 줄 수있으며, 한중일 정상회의에 한국의 참여에 의구심을 드리웠다. 그리고 6자 회담과정에 한국정부의 참여에도 잠재적인 영향이 있다. 언론과 학계의 접선책들은 보수성향의 일 의회 정치가들이 후쿠다 총리에게 영향력을 행사했으며, 이는 마치무라 노부타카 내각관방장관이 공들인 작품인 듯 보이며, 복잡한 내부 정당 정책에 근거했다. 요점 끝. 
</div><h2 class="sectionedit4">일촉즉발의 상황</h2><div class="level2">
2.(기밀) 7월 16일 주일 한국 대사관 강영훈 1등 서기관은 중학교 학습지도요령 해설서 상에 분쟁이 있는 리앙크루 암도를(일본은 다케시마로 칭하고, 남한은 독도라 부른다) 일본의 영유권으로 포함 시킨 일본 정부의 7월 14일 결정은 “매우, 매우 심각하며,” “엄청나고,” 또한 “폭발력”있다고 주일 미국 정치 담당관에게 말했다. 한·일 관계를 괴롭히던 논쟁있는 역사 인식의 차이를 제쳐놓으려는 한국의 새 대통령인 이명박의 노력이 이어진 후라, 한국 정부 관리들이 “배신감”을 느꼈다고 강 서기관은 말하면서, 특히 홋카이도(北海道) 도야코(洞爺湖) G8 정상회의 한켠에서 정상회담을 가지면서, 교과서 문제에 대해서 후쿠다 야스오 총리에게 “hold back”8)고 이명박 대통령이 직접 부탁을 한 이후라 더 그렇다. 
3.(기밀) 강 서기관에 따르면, 일본정부의 처사는 양측이 설정하려 희망했던 “동반자 관계”를 저해할 것이며, 결과적으로 한일관계가 지금 “냉각”됬다고 했다. 7월 15일 40분간의 회동에서 권철현 한국 대사는 일본정부의 결정이 양국관계에 심각한 영향을 가져올 것이라고 야부나카 미토지 일본 외무차관에게 경고했다. 권 대사는 한국정부는 올해 가을 후쿠다 총리의 방한을 여론이 용인해줄지 확신이 서지 않는다고 야부나카 차관에게 말했다.―양국이 2007~2008년 양국의 상호적인 지도자방문 이후에 양국이 재개한, 소위 “셔틀 외교”상에 계획된 다음 수순이다. 교과서 판정은 일본정부에 대한 한국정부의 외교정책상에 “심각한 영향”을 줄 것이라고 했고, 일본정부가 올 가을에 계획한 한중일 정상회담에서 한국정부 참여에도 역시 의구심을 드리우는 것이라고 했다. 강 서기관은 남한이 취할 어떤 조치상에 특정사안은 거의 제시되지 않았지만, 6자 회담 과정 역시 영향을 받을 것이라고 했다. 한국정부는 권 대사를 소환했는데, 7월 15일에 떠나서, 서울에 무기한 머물 계획임을 강 서기관은 보고했다.9) 
</div><h2 class="sectionedit5">당내 역동성</h2><div class="level2">
4.(비분류) 문부과학성은 2가지 문서를 통해 일본학교에 교육 내용을 통제한다: 1) 법적으로 구속력있는 학습지도요령은 매 10년마다 수정된다, 그리고 2) (7월 14일에 공표되는 문서인) 구속력 없는 학습지도요령 해설서는 교과서 저자에게 제공되는 학습지도요령에 따라 발행된다. 비록 따라야 할 법적인 요건은 없지만, 정부 관계자들은 새 학습지도요령이 나올 경우에 보통 구속력 없는 학습지도요령 해설서를 갱신한다. 구속력있는 있는 학습지도요령은 2008년 3월에 갱신됐고 해서, 문부과학성은 새 학습지도요령에 근거한 구속력 없는 해설서를 갱신하는 기회로 삼은 것이다. 
5.(기밀) 일본 게이오 대학교 교수 니시노 준야 및 기타 도쿄 대사관 접선책에 따르면 후쿠다 총리는 복잡한 당내 정책에 근거해 해설서안에 논란있는 내용을 포함하는 결정을 했다.
TOKYO 00001985 002 OF 002
2005년 학습지도요령 논의 중에, 당시 문부과학성 장관과 보수성향의 자민당 의원인 나카야마 나리야키는 구속력 없는 차기 해설서 상에 리앙크루 암도를 일본의 영토라는 주장에 관한 표현을 포함시키기로 약속했다. 니시노 교수는 후쿠다 총리가 나리야키의 당시 충고를 따르도록 강요 받았을 것이며, 그 주장은 자민당 중진인 마치무라 관방장관, 모리 요시로 전 자민당 총리, 그리고 여전히 영향력있는 아베 신조 등이 주도한 강력한 보수성향의 교육위 의원총회에 의해 지원받은 것이다. 니시노 교수에 따르면, 고무라 외상은 마치무라와 현 문부과학상 도카이 기사부로와 삼자 협의에 참여 했지만, 결정상에 거의 영향을 끼치지 못했다. 후쿠다는 홋카이도(北海道) 도야코(洞爺湖) G8 정상회의 이후까지 발표를 지연했는데, 그 정상회의에서 이명박과 회동이 있었다. 
</div><h2 class="sectionedit6">한국정부의 압력에 대한 후쿠다의 반응</h2><div class="level2">
6.(기밀) 후쿠다 총리는 교과서 수정을 강력히 지지하고 있었으며, 마치무라와 고무라 그리고 도카이 사이에 삼자 대화를 꽤 했다고, 수상 관저와 가까운 언론계 접선책이 주장했다. 이들의 보고에 따르면, 고무라는 발표시점이 적합하지 않았지만, 결국에 3명 모두 보수성향으로 치우친 점이 해설서 수정을 승인하게 된 것이다. 
7.(기밀) 새 교과서 해설서에 독도에 대한 내용을 포함하지 말라는 한국 관리들의 “완강한” 압력에 굴복했다는 인식에서 나올 대중의 부정적인 반응을 후쿠다는 두려워했을 거라고 언론계 소식통은 토교 대사관에게 말했다. 약소한 반대 논리도, 후쿠다 총리는 남한에 대한 대중의 부정적인 반응을 아마도 떨쳐 내려고 시도함으로써―야스쿠니 신사 논란 중에 우익 활동가들이 보여주던 방식―한국정부의 희망사항대로 단념하는 것으로 비춰지길 거부한 것이다.
줌월트
위키리크스 코리아 © 무단복제나 전재를 금지합니다. 
</div><h2 class="sectionedit7">참조 링크</h2><div class="level2">
정부 “교과서 불채택 운동도”… 주일대사 소환 ‘되풀이’? 서울신문
</div><h2 class="sectionedit8">원본 및 다운로드</h2><div class="level2">
08TOKYO1985.rtf 
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 TOKYO 001985  SIPDIS  E.O. 12958: DECL: 07/17/2016 TAGS: PREL [External Political Relations], PGOV [Internal Governmental Affairs],JA [Japan; Okinawa; Ryukyu Islands], KN [Korea (North)] SUBJECT: TOKYO DECISION TO INCLUDE TAKESHIMA IN TEXTBOOKS MAY HAVE "EXPLOSIVE" IMPACT ON JAPAN-ROK RELATIONS  Classified By: Charge d' Affaires, a.i. James Zumwalt.  Reasons 1.4 (B)  and (D).  ¶1. (C) Summary.  ROK Embassy diplomats describe Japan's decision to mention the Liancourt Rocks in educational documents as "explosive."  Officials in Seoul felt "betrayed" by the move, especially after ROK President Lee Myung-bak directly appealed to Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda to "hold back" on the textbook issue at their summit on the margins of the Hokkaido Lake Toya G8 meeting.  According to the Embassy, the textbook controversy could have a "serious impact" on the ROK's foreign policy with Tokyo, casting doubt on Seoul's participation in the Japan-ROK-PRC summit, and has the potential to affect South Korea's participation in the Six-Party Talks process.  Media and academic contacts note conservative Diet politicians influenced PM Fukuda's position, which appears to have been crafted by Chief Cabinet Secretary Machimura and based on complex internal party politics.  End Summary.  ------------------- Explosive Situation -------------------  ¶2. (C) On July 16, ROK Embassy First Secretary Kang Young-hoon told Embassy Tokyo political officer that Tokyo's July 14 decision to include its claim to the disputed Liancourt Rocks (named Takeshima by Japan and Dokto by South Korea) in an educational manual used by junior high school students was "very, very serious," "enormous," and "explosive."  Following efforts made by new ROK President Lee Myung-bak to put aside the contentious historical differences that have plagued ROK-Japan relations, Kang said Seoul officials felt a sense of "betrayal," particularly after Lee directly appealed to PM Fukuda to "hold back" on the textbook issue at their bilateral summit on the margins of the Hokkaido Lake Toya G8 meeting.  ¶3. (C) According to Kang, Tokyo's actions "undermine the partnership" both sides hope to establish, and as a result, the ROK-Japan relationship was now "frozen."   During a 40-minute meeting on July 15, ROK Ambassador Kwon Chul-hyun warned Japanese Vice Foreign Minister Mitoji Yabunaka that Tokyo's decision would have a serious affect on the bilateral relationship.  Kwon told Yabunaka Seoul was not sure public opinion would allow PM Fukuda to visit South Korea this fall - the next planned step in the so-called "shuttle diplomacy" which the two countries resumed following reciprocal leaders' visits in 2007-08.  The textbook ruling, which Kang noted would have "serious impact" on the ROK's foreign policy with Tokyo, also cast doubt on Seoul's participation in the Japan-ROK-PRC summit, which Tokyo planned to host this fall. The Six-Party Talks process might also be affected, though Kang provided few specifics as to what steps South Korea might take.  Seoul recalled Ambassador Kwon, who departed July 15 and plans to remain in Seoul indefinitely, Kang reported.  ----------------------- Internal Party Dynamics -----------------------  ¶4. (U) MEXT controls educational content in Japanese schools via two documents: 1) a legally binding teaching guideline which is revised every ten years, and 2) a non-binding teacher's manual (the document promulgated July 14), issued in accordance with the guideline, which provides examples to textbook authors.  Though there is no legal requirement to do so, government officials usually update the non-binding manual when the new guidelines are issued.  The legally-binding guidelines were updated in March 2008, so MEXT officials took the opportunity to update the non-binding manual based on the new guidelines.  ¶5. (C)  PM Fukuda based his decision to include the controversial text in the manual on complex internal party politics, according to Keio University Professor Junya  TOKYO 00001985  002 OF 002   Nishino and other Embassy Tokyo contacts.  During a 2005 discussion of the guidelines, then MEXT minister and conservative LDP Diet member Nariaki Nakayama promised to include wording on Japan's territorial claims to the Liancourt Rocks in the next non-binding manual.  Nishino assessed that Fukuda was forced to follow this advice, which had been backed by a powerful conservative education caucus led by LDP heavyweights CCS Machimura, former LDP PM Yoshiro Mori, and still-influential former PM Shinzo Abe.  According to Noshino, FM Koumura participated in three-way consultations with Machimura and current MEXT minister Kisaburo Tokai, but exerted little influence on the decision.  Fukuda delayed the announcement until after the Hokkaido Lake Toya G8 meeting, which included the meeting with President Lee.  ----------------------------- Fukuda Reacts to ROK Pressure -----------------------------  ¶6. (C) PM Fukuda strongly supports the textbook changes and engineered the three-way exchanges between Machimura, Koumura, and Tokai, media contacts close to the Prime Minister's office (Kantei) assert.  According to these reporters, Koumura argued that the timing of the announcement was not right but in the end, the conservative leanings of all three men led them to approve the revision.  ¶7. (C) Fukuda feared the adverse public reaction resulting from the perception he had buckled under pressure from ROK officials, who were "adamant" about not including the reference to the Liancourt Rocks in the new manual, media sources tell Embassy Tokyo.  In a bit of reverse logic, Fukuda may have sought to head off adverse public reaction to South Korea - the kind shown by right-wing activists during the controversy on Yasukuni Shrine - by refusing to be seen as bowing to Seoul's wishes. ZUMWALT
</div>

[독도 사수대원 안시성]

이여 `

[산울림]

그누가 뭐라고해도 독도는안된다...울릉도앞바다까지..공동수역에 넣는 ..간사한 일본..한일공동수역 설정 페지해야한다..