다른소리 세대는 반공세대입니다.
소련과 중국에서는 악질적인 공산주의자들 때문에...수 많은 사람들이 굶어 죽엇다...는 교육을 국민학교 시절 부터 참 잘 받앗습니다,,
그시절 우리들은 ...미국이 던저 준 잉여 농산물로 점심을 때웟습니다..
학교 선생님 사모님들은 아이들이 먹을 빵을 만들어 점심시간이면 당번들을 시켜 나눠주게 햇지요..
보따리나 책보에 밀가루, 강냉이 가루, 우유가루등을 배급받아 집으로 가져가 죽 써 먹고 그랫습니다.
미국은 굶어 죽거 가고 잇는 우리들에게 먹을것을 던저주는 천사와 같은 나라 엿지요.
미국이 없엇다면 우리들은 다 굶어 되졋을 것입니다..
아.......아름다운 나라 미국..
여기에 공산주의 국가 소련과 중국의 기근을 대비 시켯쓰니.....더 할나위 없는 반공교육이엇쓰며 최고의 친미 교육이엇습니다.
재미좋네....를 거꾸로 하면 내죶미제가 됩니다..
미제란 존나 좋은것 이란 동치엿고.....미국은 죶도 맛나다는 신화가 자동뽕으로 만들어 진 것이지요..
그런데 공산주의 국가도 아닌 자유 민주주의 체체 국가인 대한민국은 왜 그리 지질히도 가난하여 미국이 던저준 먹걸이로
굶주림을 해결 해야 햇을까요??
자유 대한민국 체체에서 굶어 되지는 우리들의 처지와 공산주의 체체 소련과 중국에서 굶어 되지는 그들와 대체 무슨 차이가 잇엇을까요??
광주를 격고나서 ...다른것을 보고 듣기 시작 하면서....사고 하는 방법, 생각하는 방식을 배웟습니다.
읽어서도 안되고, 가지고 다녀서도 않된다는 책에서는 다른소리가 차마 생각조차 할 수 없엇던 것들을 말 하고 잇엇습니다..
그들이 왜 이런 책에 그리도 민감하게 발짝질을 떨엇는지 ...그 이유는 너무 분명햇지요.
그 책들이 말하는 그 진실을 그들은 결코 견딜 수 없엇기 때문입니다.
지금은 그 책위에 더 많은 책들을 덮어씨어...감춰버리지요.
그 책들이 말하는 내용들을 인정하는 듯 한 외형으로 수 없이 많은 외곡과 날조를 퍼트려 ..진실을 흩트러 버립니다.
그리고 그런 골치 아픈 것들과는 감히 비교가 될 수 조차 없는 재미나고 야시시한 것로 주변 반찬을 만들어 막 뿌려 버립니다.
촘스키는 이런 자유 민주주의체체의 사실 외곡을 "제조된 동의""동의 제조하기" 라고 하엿습니다..
읽지마라.....라는 강압에서
어디 함 읽어 봐라 ....라는 냉소로 바뀐 것이지요....
어차피 그래 봐야...니들은 우리 손 바닥안에 잇다....이 쥐쇗끼들아.......뭐 그런것..
그런데 다른소린 읽습니다..
최소 내가 얼마나 속고 살아 왓는지 ...확인은 할 수 잇지요.....
다른소린 종교가 없습니다 ...불가의 깨우침이 무엇인지 모릅니다..
모르긴 해도 ....아마도 그 깨우침이 그런것이 아닐까 싶기도 합니다..........틀렷다면 말고..
아래글은 제목은
{Holodomor} : 어떻게 우크라이는 구 소련 시절의 비극적인 기근의 역사를 자신들의 현대 국가 신화를 구축하는 데 외곡하여 사용하엿는가............입니다.
목하 진행되고 잇는 러시아 -우크라인 전쟁의 선전선동 같은 느낌을 주지만...그 내용은 역사입니다.
우크라인 정치인들이나 사회 리더들이 어떤 목적으로 어떻게 홀로도모를 이용 햇는지, 그 과정은 어떻게 진행 됫는지
찬찬히 읽다 보면 -영어- 분명한 대자뷰를 느끼지 않을 수 없습니다.
우크라인 지도자들만 그런것도 아니고 국가와 민족, 정체성을 나발 거리는 모든 곳에서 일어나는 방식입니다.
일제의 잔혹함이나 김일성 집단을 우리 지도자들이 어떻게 이용 하엿는가.....를 중첩시켜 읽어 보면 더 재밋습니다.
지구상에서 대 기근이 사라진 역사는 그리 오래 되지 않앗다는 것을 말씀드렷습니다.
지금도 아프리카는 여전히 기근이 진행중이고 지구상 도처에 여차 하면 굶어 죽을 수 잇는 위험환경은 여전히 존재 합니다.
미국은 신이 축복을 받은 나라 라고 하지요??
드 넓은 땅과 자원 날씨 기후...무엇하나 부럽지 않는 것이 없습니다..
그런데 이런 풍요로운 땅에서도 기근은 일어 낫습니다.
존 스타인 백의 유명한 소설 "분노의 포도" 는 대 공황기 미국 중부지방의 대 기근을 배경으로 만들어진 소설입니다.
중국의 역사는 주기적인 기근의 역사이고...이런 재앙이 닥치면 왕조가 바꿧습니다.
모택동의 신 중국도 이런 기근의 저주에서 자유로울 수 없엇고
공산주의자들도 대 기근을 견뎌내야 햇습니다.
오늘날의 중국에서 기근이란 더 이상 상상할 수도 없는 과거의 단어가 되엇지만
중국공산당은 떨어저가고 잇는 식량자급율(80% 정도)을 100이상으로 올리기 위해 여전히 닥달 하고 잇습니다..
이런것이 자신들의 과거의 경험과 전혀 무관하다고는 말 할 수 없지요.
러시아는 소련의 붕괴이후 자본주의 시장체체로의 이행 과정에서 또 다시 기근을 경험해야 햇습니다.
이 이행기에 러시아 평균수명조차 뚝 떨어져 버렷지요.
오늘날의 러시아는 미국 다음가는 곡물 수출 국가입니다.....
굶어 되질 염려는 더 이상 없다는 자신감이 잇지만,,,
이런 것들이 공산주의 자유주의 같은 이념의 문제가 아니라는 것입니다..
다른소리 세대는 이런 이념과 체체로, 양분하여 너무나 많은 것을 흑백논리로만 접근 햇습니다.
그러니 설명되지 않는 것, 모순적인 것들이 너무 많앗고...
인지 부조화는 항상 사람들을 긴장하게 만듭니다..긴장이 되면 쉽게 짜증이 나지요...
삶이 짜증 스러운것은 당연합니다.
민주화이후 ...자료와 정보가 공개되고 누구나 접근할 수 잇게 된다면 ..사람들은 자연스럽게 판단 할 수 잇을 것이고 ..
이런 외곡적인 사고는 금세 사라질 것이다고 생각햇습니다....
그런것이 민주화의 가치라고 생각 햇지만...........이런것이 참 거대한 착각이엇다는 것을 알앗습니다..
이런 양단적, 단선적인 접근은 오히려 더 강화되엇습니다..
단어와 표현만 바꿔서 꼭 같이 진행 됩니다..
다른소린 그냥 .....멍.....합니다..
이런것이 민주화의 결과 라는 것은 ....차라리 악몽 같지요..
아닌것은 아닌것입니다..
여러분이 알고 잇는 공산주의 관련된 것들도 하나 둘씩 확인해 보시기 바랍니다.
그런 확인 과정이 지금도 진행되고 잇는 외곡을 꽤툻어 볼 수 잇는 통찰력을 줍니다.
‘The Holodomor’: How Ukraine distorted the history of a tragic Soviet famine to help build its modern national myth
Official Kiev has been talking about an alleged “genocide of Ukrainians by Russia” for more than 30 years
At the end of November, Ukraine commemorates the victims of the great Soviet famine of the 1930s. According to different estimates, the tragedy claimed from four to nine million lives throughout the country – in Belarus, Kazakhstan, Russia and Ukraine.
The exact number of deaths is hard to determine due to a lack of records, but the general Western consensus is that most deaths happened in the Russian and Ukrainian republics, with slightly more overall in the latter. However, per capita, the biggest effect was in Kazakhstan (where it is called the Asharshylyk), which lost over a third of its entire population.
기록의 부족으로 정확한 아사자수는 추정하기 어렵지만..서구인들의 기록은 러시아와 우크라인에서 가장 많은 아사자가 나왓다고 말 한다...하지만 일인당 인구기준으로 계산 햇을때 가장 많은 희생자가 발생한 곳은 카자흐스탄이며 약 1/3이 죽은 것으로 추정된다.
From the very first years of Ukraine’s independence, this event – known as the Holodomor (death by hunger) in the Ukrainian language – was politicized and served as a basis for constructing the country’s new national identity.
For decades, various Ukrainian politicians, and other opinion formers, have convinced their people that the starvation of the 1930s was a deliberate and cynical extermination of the country’s intelligentsia and peasantry. Perpetrated by "Russians."
However, not only was the Soviet Union controlled by the Georgian Joseph Stalin(스탈린의 조지아 인,,후르시초프는 우크라인에서 정치기반을 닫앗고, 브레즈네프는 우크라인 인 이엇습니다), at the time, Russians also died in their millions during the horrific great hunger.
--우크라인은 독립할때 부터 이 대기근을 자신들의 국가의 정체성으로 정치화 시켜 선전하고 잇다...러시아인들에 의해 고의적으로 저질러진 일이며 우크라인의 지식인 농부들이 대규모로 죽엇다고 하지만...이 기근으로 러시아인들도 수백만명이 죽엇다.
Cutting ties with the Empire
Since the end of the 19th century, Ukraine has attempted to nationalize and mythologize its history in order to create a distinct Ukrainian national identity. For example Mikhail Grushevsky’s concept that Ukraine is the direct successor of Kievan Rus(케이브 러스). In the post-Soviet period, the tendency to mythologize history grew even stronger in the new state. Backed by the government, Ukrainian researchers created their own historical narrative, attempting to separate the country’s history not only from its Soviet but also from its imperial past.
Modern Russia was considered an ‘heir’ of the Soviet Union and of the Russian Empire – in Ukraine’s understanding, the “colonizers” who wanted to wipe out the country’s national identity. Kiev quickly assumed the role of a victim of the communist regime. This allowed the country’s authorities to cut themselves off from the controversial decisions of the Soviet era – for example, the policy of “korenizatsiia” (nativization) i.e. the forceful “Ukrainization” of the republic’s elites and its cultural and educational fields. Most importantly, this concept allowed Ukraine to blame someone else for the country’s modern-day problems.
The narrative implied that the main tragedy of the Ukrainian people in the Soviet era was not World War II and the German occupation, but the great famine of the 1930s.(우크라인인의 최고 비극은 2차 대전도 아니고 나치의 점령도 아니고 1930년대 대 기근이다....는 서사를 의미하다)According to various estimates, between 3.5 million and 10 million people died of hunger throughout the USSR at that time.(소련 전체로 치면 350만 1000만의 아사자 ...최소치던 최대치던 어떤 숫치로던 엄청난 기근이엇음을 알 수 잇습니다..) But in independent Ukraine, these tragic events were presented as a deliberate genocide(고의적인 제노사이드) against the peasantry and the intelligentsia. The tragedy became known as the Holodomor (literally death by hunger).
According to the conclusions made by the Institute of Russian History of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the famine was the result of a policy of forced collectivization that was implemented throughout the USSR. The censuses of 1926 and 1937 indicate that some other Soviet regions suffered from the famine, per capita, even more than the Ukrainian SSR. For example, the population of Ukraine decreased by 20.5% while that of Kazakhstan decreased by 30.9%, and the population decline in Russia’s Volga Region amounted to 23%.
FILE PHOTO. Starving Ukrainian peasants. © Wikipedia
However, Ukrainian historians chose to ignore the data and insisted that the famine affected only Ukraine and, moreover, was a deliberate plan to annihilate the Ukrainian population. The Holodomor was widely discussed in the late 1980s, in light of the increasing criticism of communism. It played a major role in legitimizing Ukraine’s secession from the USSR and was actively used for propaganda purposes. Before the independence referendum, Ukrainian TV broadcast a publicly funded documentary film about the 1930s famine.
The Ukrainian diaspora abroad played a major role in presenting the Holodomor as a deliberate extermination of Ukrainian people. In 1985, through the efforts of an organization called Americans for Human Rights in Ukraine, a parliamentary commission was established in the United States to investigate the circumstances of the great famine. In 1988, the World Congress of Free Ukrainians helped establish an international legal commission that recognized the policies of collectivization, “dekulakization” (repressions against ‘kulaks’ or wealthy peasants), and starvation as acts of deliberate genocide against the Ukrainian people by the Soviet government. Ukrainian organizations also sponsored memorial exhibitions and rallies in cities and villages that had been particularly affected by the hunger.
Gradually, domestic public organizations joined the information campaign. Among these were the Rukh nationalist movement, the Union of Writers of Ukraine, and many others. The Memorial Society helped organize conferences in different regions of Ukraine – at these gatherings, the famine was discussed and eyewitness accounts were gathered. Based on this information, the book 'Famine ‘33: National Memorial Book' was published in 1991.
Maxim Semenov, a political analyst and specialist in the history of modern Ukraine, believes that the Ukrainian authorities turned to the topic of the Holodomor because they recognized the fragile state of Ukraine’s “independence,” its major economic dependence on Russia, and the cultural proximity of the two countries.
“Ukrainian leaders understood that over time, after overcoming the problems of the ‘90s, Russia would restore its position in the post-Soviet space. And then, it would be able to return Ukraine into its zone of influence and even create the necessary conditions for the reunification of the two countries. Therefore, in order to preserve Ukraine’s independence, it was necessary to form an image of Russia as an enemy, an enemy that has oppressed and offended Ukrainians for centuries,” he said in an interview with RT.
According to Semenov, Ukrainian propagandists presented the Holodomor as a deliberate genocide against Ukrainians, organized by the Soviet government in the Ukrainian SSR. This propaganda was spread by means of the media, school history textbooks, public events, and in many other ways. Moreover, the Ukrainian authorities emphasized two things: that the famine was man-made, and that its sole aim was to kill Ukrainians.
“Obviously, this does not match historical facts, but that does not bother Ukrainian propagandists. As a result of the systematic work carried out through the media, the public education system, and culture, and by implementing the politics of memory, for over 20 years the Holodomor has been one of the key themes [in Ukrainian politics],” Semenov says.
우리의 반공교육,,또는 노무현교 미친개들의 토착왜구 사냥질 정도로 이해 하면 될 것 같습니다..
FILE PHOTO. People light candles in memory of the victims of the Holodomor famine during a ceremony at the Holodomor memorial in Kiev on November 26, 2016. © SERGEI SUPINSKY / AFP
“As the successor of the USSR, Russia was presented as a historical enemy that allegedly always wanted to annihilate Ukrainians, that starved them to death and so on. As Ukrainian propagandists explained, grain was taken from Ukrainian peasants and exported to the RSFSR (러시아 소비에트 연방 사회주의 공화국) – in other words, Russians lived at the expense of the dying Ukrainian peasants. Moreover, in the 2000s, the gap in the standard of living in Russia and Ukraine became apparent. Ukrainians lived in objectively worse conditions and this created the impression that Russians continued to prosper while the people of Ukraine suffered,” the political analyst adds.
Semenov emphasizes that Ukraine’s official historical narrative is based on the belief that “Ukrainians were betrayed, offended, oppressed.”
“All this, of course, prepared the population for war. Ukrainians [were told that they] will have to defend their independence from ‘the terrible Russia that will come, capture, and starve you again.’ Of course, one cannot construct a national identity on a single [historical] episode, but the shared tragedy and past suffering united millions of Ukrainians,” Semenov says.
New history
Ukraine’s first president, Leonid Kravchuk, was determined to retain power by any means and, in light of rising nationalism, the easiest way to do so was by denying Ukraine’s Soviet legacy.(네쇼널리즘-민족주의- 는 우익놈들. 나치놈들의 단골 메류입니다..한국의 경우는 거꾸로 좌익놈들의 단골 메뉴가 되엇지요..) Moreover, it helped distract the population from major economic problems. That is when the subject of the Holodomor came in handy.(일제를 격엇던 노인들이 늘 하는 말이 잇지요...죽어라고 농사 지어 놓으면 쩍팔이 놈들이 공출로 다 갖어갓다.......뭐 그런식으로 생각하면 될 것 같습니다.
그런데 왜 해방이 되고 쩍팔이 놈들이 더 이상 갖어 가지 않는데도 그리도 굶주려야 햇는지는 말 하지 않습니다.
전쟁 후에야 전쟁통에 다 파괴 되엇스니 할 수 없이 미제놈들이 던저준 잉여 농산물로 연명 햇다 친다지만...)
Kravchuk supported the official perpetuation and commemoration of the 1930s famine. In 1993, he issued a decree “On the events related to the 60th anniversary of the Holodomor in Ukraine,” and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs became determined to have the famine added to the list of commemorations observed by UNESCO. In the same year, the president took part in an international conference dedicated to the Holodomor tragedy, where he stated that the famine was directly initiated by Moscow as a genocide against the Ukrainian people.
The president was assisted by Ukrainian nationalists.(민족주의자...야들은 절때 빠질 수 없지요) The Association of Famine-Genocide Researchers demanded the creation of a parliamentary commission that would investigate the circumstances of the tragedy. Former dissident Levko Lukyanenko wanted communist officials “involved in organizing the famine” to be tried at the International Court of Justice in The Hague.
Speaker of the Verkhovna Rada (the Ukrainian Parliament) Nikolay Zhulinsky also attempted to hold parliamentary hearings on the subject, but failed – at the time, the faction of the Ukrainian Communist Party held a majority of seats, as many deputies retained their posts since Soviet times. The idea was also resisted by the authorities in Ukraine’s southeast regions(돈바스 지역), which have always taken a pro-Russian stance.
FILE PHOTO. Young ultra-nationalists carry placard reading "1933. Remember - means to fight" during their march in memory of the victims of the Holodomor famine in western Ukrainian city of Lviv on November 29, 2013. © YURIY DYACHYSHYN / AFP
The socio-economic crisis that broke out in the country temporarily pushed the Holodomor theme aside. In 1993, hyperinflation, rising unemployment, and the closure of production facilities worried Ukrainian people a lot more than historical issues. However, under Kravchuk, the Holodomor theme gained a strong foothold in Ukraine’s academic and legal circles, and became one of the staples of the national identity policy.
Ukraine’s second president, Leonid Kuchma, addressed the subject with caution, mainly during political confrontations with nationalist and pro-Western forces. Before the 1998 parliamentary elections, he issued a decree on holding commemorative events related to the 65th anniversary of the events of the 1930s, and also established a memorial day to honor the victims.
In 2002, at the height of the “Rise, Ukraine” anti-presidential protests, Kuchma also initiated commemorative events and suggested erecting a memorial in Kiev to the victims of the Holodomor and political repressions. However, the decree was never carried out. A year later, in 2003, Kuchma’s supporters in the Rada were able to seize the initiative and proposed holding parliamentary hearings which were first discussed during Kravchuk’s presidency.
At the hearings, Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Tabachnik called the Holodomor a great demographic and social disaster that affected modern-day Ukrainian society, preventing economic growth and the establishment of democracy. Three months later, the Rada held a meeting to approve the text of a special address to the nation. In this document, the famine was called a Stalinist genocide against Ukrainians and one of the largest acts of genocide in history. It also called on the world community to recognize this historical narrative.
By the early 2000s, the idea of the Holodomor as an intentional genocide was accepted at state level. Politicians weren’t solely responsible for this – on the contrary, their policy at the time was quite inconsistent. But the subject of the annihilation of the Ukrainian people was consonant with the country’s growing national identity and society itself took up the initiative.
Between the Maidans
Ukraine’s third president, Viktor Yushchenko, was the one who most often resorted to the theme of genocide in the politics of memory and national identity.
Yushchenko issued a new decree on perpetuating the memory of Holodomor victims. It implied providing financial assistance to the survivors of the famine, collecting materials for the National Memorial Book of Victims, and persuading the international community to legally assess the famine as genocide. The government also planned to allocate funds for erecting monuments to the victims, and to give grants to researchers studying the tragic event. The Ukrainian Institute of National Memory was also established at that time.
In 2006, Yushchenko proposed a bill that recognized the famine as an act of genocide and imposed administrative liability for denying this version of events. However, the opposition – which formed a majority in the parliament and was headed by Viktor Yanukovich – was strongly against the bill. Fearing that the original document may lead to the decline of relations with Russia, the parliament adopted a compromise version of the law. The events were recognized as genocide – though not specifically against the Ukrainian people but against the citizens of the USSR in general – and the mention of legal punishment for challenging this narrative was removed.
FILE PHOTO. Former Ukrainian President Victor Yushchenko addresses the 63rd annual session of the United Nations General Assembly at UN Headquarters September 24, 2008 in New York City. © Jeff Zelevansky/Getty Images
However, the president was determined to maintain his political course. In 2007, he proposed an alternative bill that equated the Holodomor with the Holocaust, and considered the denial of either a criminal offense. Despite being backed by the Yulia Timoshenko bloc, the parliament once again failed to pass the bill.
Yulia Timoshenko 의 뒤태를 감상하고 잇는 이명박..
It was finally adopted – though in an amended state – only after the new parliamentary elections, when Yushchenko’s supporters formed a stable majority in the Rada. This time, the document mentioned criminal liability for the denial of the genocide but there were no references either to the Holocaust or the Holodomor.
The president of Ukraine did not stop at legislative measures, however. In 2007-2008, he launched a major ideological campaign that extended beyond Ukraine to the international community. 2008 was declared the Year of Remembrance of Holodomor Victims, and a campaign was launched titled “Ukraine remembers – the world recognizes.” Within its framework, major memorial events – such as “Light a Candle” and “Unquenchable Candle” – were held across the nation. The Candle of Memory monument was erected at the site of the Memorial Museum of Holodomor Victims, which had been built under Yushchenko. The government continued to fund research, public rallies, exhibitions, and student projects dedicated to the Holodomor.
Yushchenko raised the topic of the Holodomor on almost every trip abroad, including in his speeches addressed to the US Congress and the European Parliament. A special working group was created in Ukraine’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Its task was to spread information about the Holodomor worldwide through Ukrainian embassies, with the assistance of the diaspora. As a result, the parliaments of 13 countries, including the USA, Canada, Italy, Poland and Hungary, recognized the Holodomor as the genocide of Ukrainians. However, the OSCE(유럽안보 협력기구) Parliamentary Assembly and the European Parliament refused to classify the famine of the 1930s as deliberate annihilation of the Ukrainian people.
Yanukovich, who replaced Yushchenko as president in 2010, tried to distance himself from the views of his predecessor. He discontinued the operation of the Ukrainian Institute of National Memory, and official websites that described the Holodomor no longer mentioned any Russian responsibility for the events. At the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) meeting, Yanukovich said the famine had been a common tragedy of the Soviet people, and not a genocide against Ukrainians. The commemorative events that took place during this time were organized by the public.
In general, Yanukovich didn’t undertake any active efforts regarding the politics of memory. He tried to maneuver between the pro-Russian southeast regions and the nationalist-minded western regions of Ukraine, which eventually resulted in the Euromaidan and a coup d’etat. Moreover, the fourth president of Ukraine was in office for only four years, while the idea of the famine as ‘genocide’ had been imposed on Ukrainians for almost three decades prior to that, and more than one generation of Ukrainians was raised on such beliefs. That’s why the country’s new authorities began to exploit the Holodomor theme with renewed vigor.
An innovative approach
During Pyotr Poroshenko’s presidency, Ukraine lost Crimea and almost lost Donbass. Therefore, the demonization of Russia as a long-time oppressor once again became relevant for forming a national Ukrainian identity. In his striving to further politicize the 1930s famine, Poroshenko came up with an innovative approach – he linked the historic events with the modern-day situation. Poroshenko equated the 20th-century famine with the war in Donbass and stated that Russia had always wanted to wipe out Ukraine, and only the means have changed.
This policy was immediately confirmed at the legislative level, and this time successfully. Poroshenko issued a special decree obliging the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences to study the circumstances of the famine, and most importantly, to find people who were involved in organizing it. Moreover, the decree provided budgetary funds for public initiatives related to perpetuating the memory of the victims. Just like Kravchuk and Kuchma before him, Ukraine’s fifth president turned to the themes of the famine and the struggle against the ‘destructive legacy of Soviet power’ to explain the country’s modern-day problems.(이런것도 일제시대때문에 대한민국이 죶 됫다는 우리시대의 교육과 같습니다....친일파들은 일제 덕분에 이 만큼이라도 살게 되엇다고 깡깡 돼지요......하는 짓은 다 비슷합니다.) But, unlike his predecessors, Poroshenko was fully backed by a loyal parliament and government.
In 2016, the Rada again appealed to the international community to recognize the famine as a deliberate genocide against Ukrainians, but the emphasis was shifted towards the current political situation. The document stated that the recognition of the genocide would aid Ukraine in the fight against “the aggression of Stalin’s followers from the Kremlin.” Poroshenko even personally asked Western leaders to side with him, and Portugal became Ukraine’s first ally, in this regard, in 2017.
Same old story
Despite the fact that, during the 2019 presidential elections, Vladimir Zelensky presented himself as the antagonist of Pyotr Poroshenko in ideological matters, he continued to exploit the Holodomor theme as well. Shortly after coming to power, Zelensky announced the opening of a museum dedicated to the “Holodomor genocide.” In his speech, he accused the “Stalinist regime” of “purposefully annihilating” the Ukrainian people. “The project of the National Museum of the Holodomor-Genocide is very important for Ukraine – for our history and future. How can one strive to annihilate an entire nation? Why and what for? We will never be able to understand it. We will never be able to forget it. We will never be able to forgive it,” Zelensky said.
The Ukrainian president also continued persuading the international community to recognize the Holodomor as a genocide against Ukrainians. During his presidency, the parliaments of 15 more countries adopted resolutions recognizing the Holodomor as genocide. However, Zelensky’s Holodomor rhetoric peaked during discussions of the so-called “grain deal,” which allowed the foodstuff to be exported from Ukrainian ports.
Ukrainian President Vladimir Zelenskyy. © Presidency of Ukraine/Getty Images
Both the Ukrainian president and other high-ranking officials (such as Prime Minister Denis Shmygal and the Head of the Office of the President of Ukraine Andrey Yermak) said Russia wanted to repeat the Holodomor on a global scale and in order to prevent this, the “grain deal” had to be extended.
Currently, Ukraine faces many other pressing issues and other means of consolidating the nation. However, making use of the ‘Holodomor theme’ and constructing the politics of memory around the famine of the 1930s remains a major aspect of Ukrainian politics.(대한민국 역사가 계속 되는 한.....김일성과 친일파는 번 갈아 가면서 대한민국 정치의 주요의제가 되겟지요......북괴와 일본이 계속되는 한은...)
***
Over the years, the country’s politicians have made Ukraine look like a victim that suffered first from the imperial oppression of St. Petersburg and then that of Moscow. This allowed them to separate the Ukrainian national identity from the Russian one despite the overwhelming ethnic, cultural and historical unity of the two countries.
According to political analyst Maxim Semenov, each president of Ukraine exploited the Holodomor theme to a various extent. The pro-Western presidents Yushchenko, Poroshenko, and Zelensky and the supposedly pro-Russian Yanukovych(이 사람은 메이던 혁명(난동)때문에 러시아로 도망친 대통령입니다......이 사람 또한 친 서방쪽 다른 우크라인 대통령들과 다를것이 없다는 것이지요......노무현이나 박정희나 ...어차피 삼성의 개 인 것엔 차이가 없다....그런식으로 생각하면 될 것 같습니다) all had something in common.
“They were all Ukrainian presidents and acted as leaders of the emerging Ukrainian nation which viewed Russia and Russians as enemies or, at best, potentially dangerous neighbors. All of them exploited the topic of the atrocities that were allegedly carried out by Russia, supported Russophobic myths, twisted historical facts, and so on,” he says.
Semenov notes that, even though Ukrainian identity is not built exclusively around the tragedy of the Holodomor, it definitely holds a prominent place in Ukraine’s historical narrative – and today, a “proper Ukrainian” cannot help but grieve over the “Holodomor tragedy and yet another crime committed by Moscow.”--반공주의자들의 김일성 일당에 대한 인식과 같은 것으로 보면 되겟습니다)
“However, the devastating and tragic events happening in Ukraine today have a lot more impact on forming the Ukrainian identity than the events of 90 years ago.
( 과거 일제시대나 한국전쟁이 오늘의 한국사회의 정체성 형성에 얼마나 기여 햇는가를 생각해 보시기 바랍니다.....그런것 과는 비교 조차 될 수 없는 오늘날 일어나고 잇는 것들이 한국사회의 정체성을 형성합니다....그런데 민족꼴통들은 (진보)는 1910년에 일어난 일, 수구 꼴통(보수) 는 70년전의 전쟁을 이야기 합니다..
그 이후로도 너무 많은 시간이 지낫고...너무나 많은 일들을 격겨 나왓습니다.
역사를 잊은 민족에겐 미래는 없다??
개 보지 풀 뜯는 소리 좀 그만 저만 씨불리고요..
제발 미래를 위해 역사 따위..쫌 잊고 살자고요.....
우리의 지금은 과거 따위완 비교도 될 수 없는 중요성과 무게를 갖고 잇습니다.
They happen every day and every Ukrainian comes in contact with them in one way or another. Therefore, the Holodomor theme is used as a historical reference point and yet another reason why Ukrainians should fight against Russians,” says Semenov.
By Dmitry Plotnikov, a political journalist exploring the history and current events of ex-Soviet states