스크랩 72. 도산 안창호(1878-1938)

[여유만만]

이름	안창호(1878-1938)
호	도산
본관
출생지	평남 강서군 초리면 칠리 봉상도(일명 도롱섬)
연보 (도산기념관)	1878 0 11월 9일 에서 1884 6 평양 대동강변 국수당(國水塘)으로 이거. 가정에서 한문수학. 매씨(妹氏) 신호(信浩) 태어남. *갑신정변(甲申政變)*한성조약(漢城條約) 체결 1886 8 한문 서당에서 수학하는 한편 열 다섯살 때까지 목동 생활. 이 무렵인 1890년 전후 황해도 구월산 만유(漫遊) *이화학당(梨花學堂)창립 1889 11 부친 별세 1890 12 평양 남부산면 노남리로 이거. 서당에서 황해도 안악 출신 청년 선각자인 연상의 필대은(畢大殷)과 교류. 1894 16 상경하여 서부 대정동 소재 구세학당(救世學堂)에 입학, 이즈음 예수교 장로회 입교. 필대은을 신앙으로 인도함. *동학혁명 발발 *2월 김옥균 상해에서 피살 *7월 청일전쟁(淸日戰爭) 발발 1896 18 구세학당 졸업 후 조교로 복무. 고향으로 돌아왔을 때 조부의 주선으로 이석관의 장녀 이혜련(당 13세)과 일방적인 약혼이 되었음을 알고 파혼을 주장하나 관철되지 않음. *2월 아관파천(俄館播遷) *4월 서재필《독립신문》발간 *7월 독립협회 결성 *11월 독립문 건립 1897 19 동생 신호와 약혼녀 혜련을 데리고 상경하여 이들을 정신여학교(貞信女學校)에 입학시킴. 독립협회에 가입. 동회(同會)가 만민공동회(萬民共同會)로 발전함에 따라 필대은 등과 평양에서 만민공동회 관서지부(關西支部)를 발기. 여름, 평양 감사 조민강 등 수백 군중이 참집한 평양 쾌재정(快哉亭)에서 만민공동회를 개최하고 첫 열변. 18조의 쾌재와 18조의 불쾌를 열거하며 민중의 새로운 자각을 호소함. *경인철도 기공 *10월 국호를 대한제국(大韓帝國)으로 함 1898 20 11월 서울 종로에서 열린 만민공동회에서 7대신을 탄핵하고, 6개조의 정치혁신안(政治革新案) 건의. *11월 황국협회가 만민공동회 습격함 1899 21 강서군 동진면 암화리에 점진학교(漸進學校) 설립. 하천 매축 공사로 황무지 개간 사업에 종사. *아편전쟁(阿片戰爭) 발발 1902 24 김마리아 외숙 김윤오 주선, 밀러 목사 주례로 서울 제중원(세브란스)에서 이혜련과 결혼(9월 3일). 다음날 부부 동반으로 인천항을 출발, 일본 동경에서 1주일을 체류한 후 도미. 하와이 근해에서 아호를 도산(島山)으로 함. 10월 14일 샌프란시스코에 도착. 가정 고용인으로 청소하는 일 등 노사에 종사하며 미국 소학교 통학. *시베리아 철도 완공*5월 서울 개성문 전화개설*8월 국가(國歌) 선정 1903 25 9월 23일 재미교포의 단결과 계몽을 위해 한인친목회(韓人親睦會) 조직, 회장에 피선됨. *황성기독교청년회(Y.M.C.A) 발족 1904 26 샌프란시스코에서 리버사이드로 이주. 기독교 경영의 신학강습소에서 영어와 신학수업. *러일전쟁(露日戰爭) 1905 27 4월 5일 한인친목회를 발전시켜 공립협회(共立協會) 창립, 초대 회장이 됨.11월 공립협회 회관 설립. 11월 20일 순국문판 《공립신보》 발행. 장남 필립(必立) 태어남. *을사5조약(乙巳五條約) 늑결 1906 28 샌프란시스코 대지진으로 패시픽가에 있는 공립협회의 회관이 불탐. 오클랜드에 임시 본부 설치(이듬해 돌아옴) *3월 한국통감부 초대통감으로 이토 히로부미(伊藤博文) 부임 1907 29 동경 거쳐 환국. 동경 체류 중 한국인 유학생 단체인 태극학회(太極學會)에서 애국 웅변. 귀국 후 서울에서 이갑 등과 비밀결사 신민회(新民會) 창립. 평양에 대성학교(大成學校) 설립을 비롯하여, 평양·서울·대구에 태극서관(太極書館)을 두고, 평양 마산동 자기회사(磁器會社) 설립. 이토 히로부미와 회견하고 소위 안도산 내각의 조각(組閣)을 일축함. *1월 국채보상 (國債報償)운동 전개 *6월 헤이그 특사 파견 *8월 정미7조약 체결 1908 30 서북학회 창립. 교육에 몰두하는 한편 각지를 순행(巡行)하며 신민회사업을 의논함. 1909 31 청년학우회(靑年學友會) 창설. 육당 최남선(六堂 崔南善)이 중앙총무로 도산을 도와 실무 담당.안중근(安重根) 의사 의거로 서울 용산 헌병대에 수감되었다가 두 달만에 석방됨. *10월 29일 안중근 의사 하르빈 역에서 이토 히로부미 처단 1910 32 통감부의 내각 조직 제의를 다시금 일축하고 4월 7일 행주 출발, 국외 망명의 길을 떠남. 이 때 거국가(去國歌)를 남김. 이갑 등과 위해위(威海衛)·북경·청도 거쳐 상해·블라디보스톡 등지 유랑. 산동성 청도(靑島)에서 독립 운동자들과 합동하고 청도회담을 개최. *'안악(安岳)사건' 발단 1911 33 북만 밀산현(密山縣)에 무관학교를 세울 계획이 여의치 못해 러시아·독일·영국 등을 거쳐 미국 뉴욕항에 도착. 1912 34 11월 샌프란시스코에서 해외 지방총회를 망라한 대한인국민회(Korean national association) 중앙총회 조직, 초대회장에 선임됨. 한편 민족운동의 핵심체로서 민족성부흥운동을 위한 청년 엘리트 단체의 필요성을 절감, 흥사단(興士團) 조직에 착수.《공립신보》를 《신한민보(新韓民報)》로 개제(改題) 속간. 차남 필선(必鮮) 태어남. *소위 105인 사건 검거 선풍 1913 35 청년학우회 후신(後身)으로 흥사단 창립. 발기인은 전국 8도를 대표하는 25인의 동지로 함. *윌슨, 미국 대통령에 취임 1914 36 대한인국민회가 캘리포니아 주지사로부터 정식 사단법인(社團法人) 인가를 받음.로스앤젤레스로 가족과 이거 *세계제1차대전 발발 1915 37 장녀 수산(繡山) 태어남 (1월 16일) *하와이 교민사회 순회 1917 39 송종익. 임준기 등과 함께 북미 실업주식 회사 설립. 주로 멕시코 교민사회 방문하며 대한인국민회 조직 운동 강화.차녀 수라(秀羅) 태어남. *뉴욕서 세계약소민족대표회의 개최 *러시아 혁명 1919 41 상해 임시정부 내무총장 겸 국무총리 대리 취임 연통제(聯通制)·독립 운동 방략 제창. 임시정부 기관지 《독립》 발간. 내각 개편으로 국무위원 노동국총판이 됨. *중국 5.4 운동 1920 42 독립 운동 중심 세력의 통합에 주력하는 한편 흥사단 원동위원부(興士團 遠東委員部) 설치. 미국 국회의원 동양 시찰단 일행을 북경에서 맞아 한국 독립 협조를 호소함. *국내 민간 신문 《조선일보》, 《동아일보》창간 *청산리 대첩 *유관순 순국 *인도의 간디 반영운동 개시 1921 43 임시정부(臨時政府) 세력 통일에 노력했지만 실효를 거두지 못하고 인책사임(引責辭任). 상해에서 국민대표회 (國民代表會)발기. *하와이 태평양회의에 서재필.이승만 참석 1922 44 서울에 수양동맹회(修養同盟會). 평양에 동우구락부(同友俱樂部) 발족을 지시. 국민회 분쟁 격화, 하와이 지방 총회 해체하고 하와이 한인 교민단 조직됨. *김규식(金奎植)이 모스크바 극동무산자회의에 한국 대표로 참석 1923 45 봄에 상해에서 국민대표회 개최, 동 부회장이 됨. 그러나 동회가 개화파와 창조파로 대립되어 결렬되자 대독립당(大獨立黨) 결성과 독립 운동 근거지 이상촌(理想村) 건설 계획 수립. *김상옥 의사 순국 *케말 파샤 대통령 취임 1924 46 북중국 만주 방면을 시찰 여행하며 이상촌 후보지 탐사. 남경에 동명학원(東明學園)을 설립 *<동족에게 고하는 글>작성 1926 48 미주에서 다시 중국에 건너가 가을부터 만주 길림성 일대를 답사하며 이상촌 사업 추진. *《동광》지 창간 *6.10 만세 사건 1927 49 길림에서 군사 행동 단체의 통일과 대독립당의 결성을 토의중 동지 200여명과 함께 중국 경찰에 감금되었다가, 중국내 사회 여론이 비등하여 20일 만에 석방. *신간회(新幹會) 조직 1928 50 이동녕, 이시형, 김구 등과 상해에서 한국독립당 결성. 이때 대공주의(大公主義) 제창. 1931 53 만주사변으로 만주에서의 이상촌 계획을 단념하고 남경서 토지 매수. *만주사변 1932 54 일본의 중국 본토 침략 정책에 따라 독립 운동 근거지의 건설 계획을 재검토 중인 4월 29일 윤봉길 의사의 상해 홍구 폭탄사건으로 이날 오후 피체되어 일경에 인도됨. 6월 7일 인천에 호송되어 서울로 압송. 4년 실형을 받고 서대문 감옥. 대전 감옥에서 복역. 1935 57 2월 대전 감옥에서 2년 반 만에 가출옥. 지방 순회 후 평남 대보산 송태 산장에 은거. 1937 59 6월 28일 동우회(同友會) 사건으로 흥사단 동지들과 함께 일경에 피체. 11월 1일 서대문 형무소 수감. 12월 24일 신병으로 보석 출감. 1938 60 3월 10일 자정 경성대학 부속 병원에서 간경화증으로 서거. 망우리 공동 묘지에 안장됨. 1962 건국 공로훈장 추서(3.1절) 1969 4월 21일 미국에서 부인 이혜련 여사 별세. 1973 11월 10일 탄신 95주년과 흥사단 창단 60주년을 맞아 서울 강남구 신사동 649-9에 도산공원을 조성하고, 망우리 공동 묘지의 도산 유해와 이혜련 여사 유해를 이장하여 안장함. 1978 9월 27일 탄신 100주년 기념 대회를 서울 세종문화회관에서 거행. 1988 3월 10일 서거 50주기 추모식을 서울 류관순 기념관에서 거행. 5월 6일부터 15일까지 도산 유품 및 사진 전시회를 도산 회관에서 가짐. 1997 3월 10일 서거 59주기 추모식전에서 거족적으로 도산기념관 건립을 결의하고 추진위원회와 구성. 2000 1월 9일 [도산안창호전집] 전14권 간행 2001 8월 10일 리버사이드시청앞 광장에 도산 동상 건립 2003 5월 13일 도산 동상 재건립 12월 9일 대한인국민회 북미총회관 복원 도산공원 로스앤젤레스 2005 11월 9일 도산 송덕비 재건립 12월 9일 [미주 국민회 자료집] 전22권 간행 도산묘소
가족	안흥국(安興國) 어머니 황씨(黃氏) 형 안치호(安致浩), 부인 이혜련 여사
주변인물	김구, 여운형, 조만식, 서재필
생가
묘소	서울 도산공원(島山公園)
기념관	도산학회
참고, 출처	도산안창호기념관, 야후백과 (http://ahnchangho.or.kr/site/main/b01_01.php)

<다른기록>

서당에서 한학을 수학하였고, 1895년 상경하여 구세학당(救世學堂)을 졸업하고 조교(助敎)로 있으면서 그리스도교인이 되었다.

1897년 독립협회에 가입하였는데 평양(平壤)에 관서지부(關西支部)를 조직하고자 쾌재정(快哉亭)에서 민중의 각성을 촉구하는 연설로 명성을 얻었다.

1898년 이상재(李商在)·윤치호(尹致昊)·이승만(李承晩) 등과 만민공동회(萬民共同會)를 개최하였고

1899년에는 강서군 동진면(東津面；지금의 남포직할시 大安市)에 점진학교(漸進學校)를 설립하였다.

1900년 미국에 건너가 초등학교 과정부터 공부하고, 이듬해 교포의 권익보호와 생활향상을 위해 한인공동협회(韓人共同協會)를 만들었다.

을사조약(乙巳條約)이 체결되자 1906년 귀국, 1907년 이갑(李甲)·양기탁(梁起鐸)·신채호(申采浩) 등과 함께 비밀결사인 신민회(新民會)를 조직하여 《대한매일신보》를 기관지로 하여 민중운동을 전개하였다.

같은 해 평양에 대성학교(大成學校)를 설립하고 평양과 대구(大邱)에 태극서관(太極書館)을 건립하였다.

1909년 안중근(安重根)의 이토 히로부미[伊藤博文(이등박문)] 암살사건에 연루되었다는 혐의로 감금되었다가 다시 미국으로 망명하였다.

1912년 미국에서 대한인국민회(大韓人國民會) 중앙총회를 조직하고 《신한민보(新韓民報)》를 창간, 이듬해 흥사단(興士團)을 조직하였다.

1919년 3·1운동 직후 상하이[上海(상해)]에 가서 대한민국임시정부 내무총장 겸국무총리 서리 등을 지냈고 서재필(徐載弼)·윤치호 등과 함께 《독립신문》을 창간하였다.

1921년 분열된 임시정부 통일에 힘쓰다가 실패하자 수양동지회(修養同志會) 결성을 지시,

1924년 미국으로 건너가 국민회와 흥사단 조직을 강화하였다.

1928년 상하이에서 한국독립당을 창당하여 대공주의(大公主義)를 제창하였고,

1932년 윤봉길(尹奉吉) 의거 직후 일본경찰에 붙잡혀 4년형을 선고받고 복역하였다.

1937년 동우회사건(同友會事件)으로 흥사단 동지들과 함께 다시 일본경찰에 붙잡혀 수감되었고,

1938년 3월 병으로 보석 가료중 경성대학부속병원에서 서거했다. 유해는 서울 망우리에 안장되었다가

1973년 부인과 함께 서울 도산공원(島山公園)에 이장되었다.

1962년 건국훈장 대한민국장이 추서되었다.

<다른기록>

3.1. Ahn Chang Ho's Lecture

In February 1927, the Korean community of Jirin was seething with unprecedented excitement. Ahn Chang Ho, the most notable independence activist and a key figure of the Korean Provisional Government in Shanghai came to town from Beijing. Ahn was received with pomp that even a head of state would envy.

I joined the welcoming party singing "Rise Up for Korea" (guh-gook song), which was composed by Ahn himself after his escape from Japanese-occupied Korea. The song starts with "I am leaving, I am leaving, I am leaving you behind..." and ends with "..Do not feel sorrow over my leaving, my beloved Korea." This song became popular among Korean youth and students after Korea was annexed. It was also popular with Korean exiles and the song was known as "Song of Exiles". The song was loved by many Koreans and its composer was honored and respected. (Photo: Ahn Chang Ho, 1878-1938. Dosan, meaning 'island mountain' was his penname.)

Many people thought Ahn was of presidential caliber and even the leaders of Independence Army hostile to the Shanghai government respected Ahn as the senior nationalist leader. Ito Hirobumi, Japan's architect of Korean colonization, thought so highly of Ahn that he had offered to set up a cabinet under Ahn, provided that he supported Japan's policies for Korea.

Ahn was born in Gang-suh, South Pyongahn Province, famous for giving birth to many noted patriots. Today, it is famous as the cradle of Chul-ri-ma movement, Chung-san-ri patriotism and methodology. Ahn believed that the main reason why Korea was lost to Japan was that the Korean people were backward. He formed Gongrip Association, New People's Association (sin-min-hoe), Youth Alumni Association, Korean People's General Association, Hungsa Corps and other independence activist organizations. In addition, he established educational institutions such as Jungjin, Daesung and Taehguk; he started the Independence News paper for mass enlightenment.

Lee Sung Hun was one of the independence leaders, best known for his educational activities including Ohsan Institute. Lee's zeal for education was duly recognized by the King of Korea, Yoong-whi, who invited Lee to a royal audience. During the 400-year rule of the Yi kings, this was the first time a commoner met a king face to face. Such was Lee's fame in Korea. Ironically, Lee began his career as a traveling salesman peddling brassware, bent on making quick bucks. His wealth grew and grew to 500,000 won, an astronomical figure in those days. One day in Pyongyang, Lee heard Ahn Chang Ho's lecture on how education would nurture our strength and eventually free Korea; Lee was so impressed by the lecture that he cut off his hair-knot and began his own educational activities. Ahn's famed eloquence changed Lee's life, which illustrates how fiery and persuasive Ahn's oratorical skills were.

Ahn's arrival in Jirin was headlined by Dongah-ilbo, Chosun-ilbo and other newspapers in Korea. A delegation of youth and students went to see Ahn at his hotel, Sampoong, and begged him to give them a lecture. Various independence activists supported the students' request and Ahn readily agreed. Ahn's impending lecture on the current status was widely publicized; large posters were tacked on walls on Sangbu, Charu, Tongchun, Hanam, Bukdae, Uma and other streets of Jirin. Korean expatriate in Jirin were excited about the oncoming lecture by the famed nationalist; "Did you know Master Ahn is in town?" became the common greeting among the Korean residents of Jirin.

(Photo: Ahn Chang Ho, an orange picker at Cornelius Rumsey's orange grove in Riverside, California, in 1904. Ahn came to America as a farm worker in 1902.)

The night before his lecture, Oh Dong Jin met me and discussed Ahn Chang Ho for several hours. Oh was emotional about meeting his former teacher of Daesung Institute, after 17 years in a foreign nation. Oh recalled how kind Arn was to him when he applied for the school, and the helps he had received from Ahn while attending the school. Oh still remembered the "Marching Song of Young Students" composed by Ahn and sang it for me (Lee Wha Rang note: click http://www.independence.or.kr/warsong/warsong6.htm to hear this song).

Oh respected Ahn Chang Ho very much and told me how hard Ahn had been working for Korea. Oh said Ahn's oratory was exceptionally effective; my father told me about this, too, several times. I heard about Ahn when I was in Mangyong-dae; Ahn's independence work started with a speech and without his oratorical skills, he would have been less effective. I was told that Ahn's speeches were so enthralling that even servant women and housewives were sold on his ideas and donated their gold rings and hairpins to the cause of independence. Would that be true? If so, how does he do it? How nice it would be, if he stayed here in Jirin instead of Shanghai or America.

Oh Dong Jin told me, "After our independence, I will vote him for Presidency, if I had the opportunity". That talk by Oh made me more eager to hear Ahn speech next day. The event was held at Daedong Public Hall in front of Joyang. Ahn eulogized Doctor Ra Suk Ju first and began his much awaited lecture. It was a memorial service and a lecture on the current status of our independence movement combined. In attendance were leaders of the three major independence army commands who came for the memorial service and local nationalists, students, youth and other concerned citizens. The meeting hall was packed full and many had to stand outside listening in.

Photo: Kim Il Sung in Jirin, a Chinese Middle School pupil.

Ahn's lecture was titled, "Future of Korean National Movement", and he lived up to his fame. His eloquence was met with wild applauses from the packed audience. He cited from his erudite knowledge of ancient and modern history of the world and pointed to the road ahead for the Korean people. However, I found problems with his themes. He said that the primary reason why Korea was taken over by the Japanese imperialists was that Korea was backward, and the reason why Korea was backward was due to the defective character and low level of morality. In order to free Korea, the Korean people must correct these shortcomings. Every Korean must endeavor to be moral and civilized. His other theme was Korea must be developed economically.

Ahn's thinking was influenced by Tolstoy's self-salvation theme and Gandhi's self-purification theme. At the time, world-wide depression was setting in and people lived in fears of unknown and terror; Fascism spread like a forest fire and innocent people were being massacred by the Fascists. Petit bourgeois intellectuals kowtowed to the military might of the imperialists and came out with their ingenious spiritual escapism - nonresistance, the last safe haven for those weak in revolutionary conviction and courage. They had no will to resist reactionary forces and the best they could do was quiet submission to the naked force.

In Korea, non-resistance appeared in the form of reform movement. After the March First Movement, some nationalist leaders deserted our revolutionary path of armed struggle for independence and became pacifist reformers and enlightenment educators; they worked to improve educational, cultural, moral and economic levels of the Korean people. Korean intellectuals educated in modern science and technology promoted 'use made-in Korea only' and economic development in Korea by Koreans. " They shouted "Let us live on what we make" and promoted self-reliance and sufficiency. Cho Man Sik was the leader of this movement; Cho wore only traditional clothes made in Korea; he used papers made in Korea for his business cards; he wore shoes made in Korea.

Author Lee Kwang Soo's thesis, "National Reformation", played important roles in spreading the gospel of reforms in Korea. This thesis brings up highlights and dangers of Korean reformism. The most disturbing thing about this thesis is its premise that the Korean people are inferior. I knew Korea was backward but never thought the Korean people were second-class denizens of the world community. The Korean people built world's first ironclad warship and invented metal fonts for printing; they are ethical and intelligent people; they have made significant contributions to Eastern civilization; they have long track records of achievements; any nation would be proud of. Korean people's courageous stands against foreign invaders, in spite of all odds. Korean people's mores is as pure as fresh snowflakes.

It is true that our habits and customs have some shortcomings, but they are only secondary and incidental, not flaws in our basic national character. They must be viewed in proper perspectives. Lee Gwang Soo's thesis implied that Korea went down because the Korean people were inferior in character. I would say Korea's demise was due to our corrupt, inept leaders and not due to any intrinsic defects in our national character. Lee's thesis echoed Japanese imperialists' view of the Korean people. The Japanese looked down on the Korean people as an "inferior" race, needing protection, guidance and governance by Japan.

"National Reformation" was Lee's way of publicly submitting to the Japanese imperialism. For this, his prior records of anti-Japanese activities were forgiven and he was allowed to write romance novels right in front of the Governor General's office in Seoul. In the early days, Lee the novelist was popular among the mass, because he delivered what the mass liked to read. Lee, a prolific writer, is justifiably the father of modern Korean novels. Lee's novels hinted at national character reformation, but this thesis brought it out in the open. Many nationalist leaders became reformists and raised money for reform activities. They raised money to build a Korean university, but the Japanese squashed the plan, fearing that such an institution might become a hotbed of Korean nationalism.

The "Koreans for Korean goods" movement was stopped by the Japanese. The Governor General would not allow the Korean people to boycott Japanese products. The non-violent movement was labeled anti-Japanese and suppressed ruthlessly. The reform movement to strengthen Korean economy and people appeared patriotic and nationalistic in principle, but in practice, it was led by non-violence advocates with little stomach to face down the Japanese. The notion that by developing Korean economy within the limits set by the Japanese and that one could build up our national power to break the Japanese grip on Korea was a ludicrous pipedream. That Japan would not allow any development that would bury her interests in Korea is the most elementary of elementary common sense. How can such naivet?be interpreted?

The reformists-turned nationalist leaders either failed to see the true nature of imperialism or opted to look the other way. Their abandoning military means for peaceful cultural activities signified their defeat and submission; they wanted to coexist with colonialists and accept the status quo. Peaceful coexistence and compromise would inevitably lead to betrayal of our nationalism. In fact, numerous nationalist leaders left independence movement, after becoming reformists; many of them became Japanese collaborators and turned against their former comrades in arms.

Ahn Chang Ho's "power development" or "preparation" theme was a variation of reformist "self-strengthening" theme. Ahn said that the Korean people were the least spiritual in the world and that until the Korean people attain spirituality on par with that of the people of America or England, no independent Korea would be feasible. I saw that the majority of the audience agreed with Arn's premise; many in the audience were so moved by Ahn's speech that they wept openly. I must say everything Ahn said dripped with his love for Korea.

I realized that Ahn's theme contained seeds of self-destruction of our independence movement; I was disappointed. I thought he had some good points but there were some major problems. I agreed with Ahn that every Korean must be educated and achieve higher status of awareness and that such would make us strong. I strongly disagreed with Ahn's claim that the Korean people were the least spiritual; I also did not buy his assertion that reforms would empower the Korean people. Reforms are good and necessary, but it is no substitute for our revolution. Ahn wanted to replace our revolution with reformism. Reforms do not automatically bring independence, yet Ahn had nothing to say about how his reforms would lead us to independence. He did not say a word on military actions for intendance.

It was not clear how developing economics in Manchuria would help the Korean independence. Who would let state-less people build power generation plants and farms in Manchuria for the Korean people? Would the Japanese allow such activities? Of course, not. I could not stand it anymore and jotted down some questions on a piece of paper and passed it to Ahn. I asked: 1) "You said that we must nurture our strength by developing our economy and education our youth, but how can you do so while Japan controls Korea?"; 2) "You said that the Korean people have the lowest spirituality in the world. In what way?"; and 3) "You mentioned America and England for Korea to emulate. Do we must emulate them? Can we count on their assistance for our independence?"

My piece of paper was passed along to a student in the front seat, who handed it to the master of ceremonies. The rebel in me made me to write the notes, but when I saw the master of the ceremonies looking in my direction with a look of disturbance, I had some second thoughts. I was afraid that if Ahn got offended by my questions, Ahn's fans in the audience would get upset with me. Furthermore, Oh Dong Jin, who had worked so hard to arrange for Ahn's appearance, would be offended by my impunity. I did not plan it that way. My only intention was to force Ahn to pause a moment to reflect on his theme, that I believed would do us harm. I hoped that he had something new in his sleeves that might be revealed to us at this time.

But unanticipated events developed. Ahn stared at my questions for a long time and asked the master of ceremonies a few questions. I was to learn later from Rev. Son Jung Do that Ahn asked who Kim Sung Ju was. After that, Ahn's speech lost steam and became flat. His mind was elsewhere and he cut his lecture short. Ahn was visibly upset by my questions and did not respond to them as I had hoped. The audience left the lecture hall, bewildered and disappointed by Ahn's unexpected behavior. [Lee Wha Rang note: According to Ahn Chang Ho's own account, he cut short his lecture on "The Only National Party" on the tip that a Chinese police raid was imminent. It was February 14, 1927.]

Another unexpected event unfolded at this moment. Several hundred Chinese military and civil police surrounded the lecture hall and arrested more than 300 attendees. Ahn Chang Ho, Hyong Mook Gwan, Kim Lee Dae, Lee Gwan Rin and many other nationalist leaders were also arrested. This mass arrest was engineered by Gunitomo of the Governor General's police bureau in Seoul. Gunimote showed up in Bongchun at about the same time Ahn arrived at Jirin. Gunimoto asked Yang Wo Jung, the Chinese military police commander to arrest the Korean communists gathered for a meeting in Jirin. Under Yang's order and Gunimoto's direct guidance, the Chinese security forces of Jirin conducted house to house searches of Korean residents and the unprecedented mass arrest at the lecture hall.

We were angry at the Chinese action. Even though Ahn's lecture fell short of our expectations, his arrest caused general indignation in Jirin. The mass arrest occurred right after my questions and this coincidence bothered me. Chiang Tzolin, the warlord of Manchuria, signed the Mitzuya Agreement and agreed to work for the Japanese and suppress Korean nationalists in Manchuria. Japanese reward money for captured or dead Korean nationalists spurred Chinese reactionaries on a witch hunt for Koreans.

I convened an emergency meeting of 'Down with Imperialism" Association and discussed measures to free the captives. We visited with the captives themselves and asked for their assistance; but they had no bright ideas. We stressed that we must unite and mobilize the mass, and work together. Some nationalist leaders wondered how we could fight the heavily armed Chinese police and asserted that the best route was to bribe the officials. They did not think much of the power of the mass. I told them to trust the power of the people united and properly motivated. We held a mass meeting at Rev. Son Jung Do's church; attending the meeting were nationalist leaders, concerned Korean expatriates, youth and students.

We informed them what had expired: the Chinese officials, under Japanese command, had arrested Korean patriots and innocent people, and that the Chinese were about to hand them over to the Japanese for reward money; once in Japanese hands, they would be tortured and imprisoned. We appealed to the attendees to stand united and work together to free our compatriots. Some people wondered why I would strive to free Ahn, after what I had done to him. I told them I objected his ideas only and that I had nothing against him in person; Ahn was a fellow countryman and a noted patriot; how could we leave him in jail?

I had questioned Ahn's lecture because I wanted to shake up his toadyism (flunkeyism) and national nihilism; I wanted them to break out of their reformist illusion and stand on the firm ground for independence movement. The reason why we fought nationalists ideologically was not to destroy them but to enlighten them ideologically so that they would join the united front for independence movement. After the mass meeting, numerous posters denouncing the Chinese officials appeared on walls and powerline poles: the posters said: "Chinese police have arrested innocent Koreans", "Chinese officials should not take orders from the Japanese", "Free the Koreans in prison now!" We sent letters to various Chinese newspapers for publication. Youth and teenagers demonstrated in front of the military police station shouting for immediate release of the prisoners. The Chinese officials, after 20 days of our mass protests, released Ahn and all other prisoners.

I was happy to see Ahn freed and was proud that I had something to do with his release. I went to see Ahn, hoping to clear the air. But he left Jirin right after his release. I have no way of knowing what was going through his mind on his way to Shanghai. I believe Ahn realized that his theme for independence was faulty. His unwavering patriotism to death attests to this belief. That was the last time I saw Ahn. Some ten years later, while conducting armed raids in Mount Baiktu region, I heard the new of Ahn's death from Japanese tortures. I was sad that Ahn, a lifelong patriot and independence activist, did not live to see free Korea. That was not the end of my relation with Ahn Chang Ho, however. Although Ahn Chang Ho was gone, his younger sister, Ahn Sin Ho, joined our camp after Liberation. She became vice chairwomen of the Korean Democratic Women's League. Upon my return to Korea, I was informed that Ahn Chang Ho's sister lived in Nampo. Comrade Kim Gyong Suk worked in Nampo in those days and I asked him to find her. A few days later, I received a message that she had been found, whereupon, I phoned Kim and asked how she was. Kim said: "She carries the Bible day and night. She is a devout Christian".

I believed that she, being Ahn Chang Ho's sister, must be a patriot, too, although she believed in Christ. I told Kim to take care of her and guide her well. Kim replied that he would, but his words sounded hollow. In those days, our Party workers saw Christians through colored lenses and distrusted them in spite of my admonitions otherwise. Several months later, Comrade Kim informed me that Ahn Sin Ho had become an active member of the Party and that she carried her party membership card in her Bible. I was happy to hear that.

Ahn Chang Ho's spirit of patriotism lived on in his sister. Every time I saw his sister at work, I could not help but recall Ahn Chang Ho's lifelong fight for Korea and all the sacrifices he had made for the Korean people. Kim Gu, who fought communism all his life, met Ahn's sister when he came to Pyongyang to attend the North-South leadership conference in 1948. Kim Gu never dreamed that communists would embrace a younger sister of the most prominent member of the Shanghai provisional government. Years ago, Kim Gu fell in love with Ahn Sin Ho, and there were engaged to be married at one time.

Our faith in Ahn Sin Ho was our faith in Ahn Chang Ho. Patriotism transcends one's religion or ideology. All Koreans live in the same community tied together by our common bloodline. We are inseparably tied by our love of Korea, of the Korean people, to our forefathers and elders who had fought for Korea in their own way, to the best of their ability.

Our faith in Ahn Sin Ho is our expression‎! of respects to all those who loved and fought for Korea.

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