rt에서 뽑은 알렉산더 솔제니친에 대한 글 입니다..
현 러시아인들의 보편적인 평가라고 보면 될 듯 합니다.
다른소리 새대들에겐 당연히 위대한 반공주의자..자유 민주주의자로 쇄뇌 되엇습니다.
공산주의 가혹한 탄합에도 자신의 자유 민주주의에 대한 소신을 굽히지 않앗던 위대한 작가 라는 것이지요.
암병동, 이반 데노소비치의 하루, 수용소 군도....등은 ....지성인들이라면 반드시 읽어 야 할 책이고
그래서 읽엇지요...
시간이 퍽 많이 지낫습니다..
솔제니친이 그리도 미워햇던 공산주의 국가 소련이 붕괴하엿고...
중국이 공산주의를 표명하고 잇다고는 하지만...자본주의 짝퉁 국가로 취급합니다..
북한 큐바 정도가 남아잇는 공산주의 국가이고...이들에 대한 평가는 뭐 평가라고 할 것도 없지요..
그래서 .현실사회주의(구 소련을 중심으로한 냉전 시절의 공산 진영의 체체)에 대한 평가도 다시 이루어 지고 잇습니다..
잇는 그대로를 보고 인류에게 조금이라도 가치 잇는 교훈이 무엇인가를 찾기 위한 노력이지요..
그런데 현실사회주의의 몰락 이후의 인류의 모습은 ...후쿠야마가 말 한 역사의 종언 도 아니고...
-이젠 끝낫다. 공산주의 악령은 사라졋다....이제 인류에게 남은 것은 행복을 누리는 것 뿐이다... 식의 환상의 세계는 더욱 아닙니다..
공산주의와의 싸움 때문에 유보되엇던 것들이 이젠 다 할 수 잇게 되엇쓰니 ...응당 인류는 더 행복해 져야 한 할 일이지만
현실은 오히려 정 반대로 ...공산주의 시절이 더 행복햇다는 볼멘 소리가 터저 나왓습니다..
이런 현실이 몰락한 현실사회주의에 대한 보단 객관적이고 과학적인 분석의 필요성을 낳앗습니다..
과거 냉전시절에 일반적으로 선전 선동만 당햇던 스탈린의 공포정치나 모택동의 오류 등이 ...다른 각도에서 해석 되고 잇습니다.
소련 공산주의에 대한 평가도... 저놈 악마다...식의 마녀사냥을 벗어나 ..좀더 객관적으로 들여다 보고 과학화 시켜 보려는 시도가 계속되고 잇지요.
이런 정도만 해도 ....다른소리 세대들에겐 무척 혼란스럽습니다..
궂이 반공의 마녀사냥이 아니더라도 ...스탈린의 인권 탄압과 공포 정치가 동의할 수 없는 야만임은 틀림없습니다.
그런데 거기서 멈추기에는 너무 많은 미련이 남습니다.
역사에서는 궂이 공산주의 야만이 아니더라도 그런 야만은 얼마든지 흔하고,
정작 그런 공산주의 야만을 비판 햇던 사람들의 꼭 같은 야만에 대한 풍요로운 이해는 다분히 이중적이고 선택적이며 ...이런것은 공산주의의 야만 만큼이나 꼭 같이 견디기 어렵습니다.
다른소리도 혼란스럽기는 마찬가지 입니다..
그런데 어짭니까...... 들여다 볼 수 잇는 것은 들여다 봐야지요..
프랑스 혁명에 대한 평가를 요구 받앗던 주은래는 말 햇지요..
-이제 겨우 200여년 밖에 지나지 않은 혁명을 어떻게 평가 할 수 잇나??
이제 겨우 200년 지난 것이니 앞으로도 또 200여년 정도는 더 지나 봐야 ...누구나 받아 들일 수 잇는 객관적인 평가를 할 수 잇을 것이다는 것인데...
이런말이 ..그러면 앞으로 200년을 또 암말도 하지 말고 아닧하고 살어라.....는 뜻은 아닙니다.
그 만큼 역사의 객관적 평가가 어렵다는 것을 말 한 것입니다.
아래글을 읽고 ...이들의 솔제니친에 대한 평가와 여러분의 평가의 무엇이 같고 무엇이 다른지를 생각해 보시기 바랍니다.
결론은 필요 없습니다..
우린 단지 논의만 하다 가면 됩니다..
Russian nationalist and staunch anti-Soviet: The legacy of Solzhenitsyn 50 years after his deportation from the USSR
Who was the country’s greatest social and political philosopher of the 20th century, and what were his main ideas?
© RT / RT
Among the many great Russian writers of the 20th century, one man stands out in particular, whose works have had the greatest impact on social and political views on modern life in the country. This Nobel Prize winning philosopher is often quoted by Russian President Vladimir Putin. An ideologist who had envisioned the turn from Soviet ideology (which ran the show for 70 years) to the period of national revival, he also predicted the conflict in Ukraine half a century before it occurred.
This man is none other than the great writer and philosopher Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn. On February 12 –the 50th anniversary of his arrest and subsequent expulsion from the Soviet Union – RT recalls the life of Russia’s national philosopher.
The philosopher’s youth
“His heart, soul and thought were filled with pain for the Fatherland and unfailing love for it. These feelings were a driving force of his creative endeavor. He clearly distinguished authentic, real, people’s Russia from the totalitarian system that plunged millions of people into sufferings and hard trials,” said Russian President Vladimir Putin at the unveiling of the monument to Alexander Solzhenitsyn in 2018.
In just a few words, the President succinctly summed up his attitude to one of Russia’s outstanding social and political thinkers of the 20th century, whose intellectual heritage influences Russian politics to this day.
Solzhenitsyn was born in December 1918, in the tragic years of the Russian Civil War(러시아 내전). His parents were peasants from the south, who, through hard work and perseverance had managed to earn a good living before the conflict.
During the Civil War, his family’s home was destroyed. The future writer spent his childhood in Rostov-on-Don. The family was poor and Solzhenitsyn was often teased by his classmates for wearing a cross(십자가) and refusing to join the pioneer movement. Despite this, Solzhenitsyn studied well, graduated from school with honors and was admitted to the Physics and Mathematics Department of the Rostov University.
Though excelling in his studies, even becoming a Stalin prize laureate, literature soon became Solzhenitsyn’s main pursuit. By that time, he was already writing short stories, poems, and essays. However this particular period was short-lived. With the start of WWII, the writer’s life changed overnight – and so did the whole country’s.
From the front line to labor camps
Due to health problems, Solzhenitsyn was not immediately drafted into the army. However, in the fall of 1941, he was accepted into the armed forces. He studied at an artillery academy and was promoted to the rank of lieutenant. Solzhenitsyn was engaged in so-called “sound reconnaissance” – with the help of special equipment, he identified the location of the enemy’s artillery and helped the Soviet army destroy it.
A combat hero with multiple decorations, Solzhenitsyn marched from Orel all the way to East Prussia alongside the Red Army. However, in February 1945, three months before victory, he was suddenly arrested by the Soviet counterintelligence organization SMERSH.
The reason for the arrest was quite banal – the writer had made critical remarks about Soviet leader Joseph Stalin. In his diaries and letters addressed to friends, Solzhenitsyn called Stalin a “pakhan” (i.e. leader of a criminal gang, in Russian criminal jargon), accused him of distorting “Leninism”(레닌니즘을 왜곡 햇다...안중근이 이토 히로부미을 날려 버린 명분과 비슷합니다...이토가 천황폐하의 의지를 왜곡 햇다), and compared Stalin’s regime with serfdom.
After being interrogated in Lubyanka prison for three months, Solzhenitsyn was found guilty of counterrevolutionary activities and sentenced to eight years in labor camps. Some fortune smiled upon him however, and he spent the first five years of his term working in so-called “sharashkas” – closed institutions that developed advanced technology for military purposes – where mathematicians, engineers, and other key specialists worked.
However, in 1950, after a conflict with the management of the camp, Solzhenitsyn was sent to the infamous Gulag – a hard labor camp in Ekibastuz, in the eastern steppes of Kazakhstan. The horrible conditions of Stalin’s camps made a great impression on Solzhenitsyn, and these memories became the basis for one of his most significant literary works — the story “One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich”(이반 네니소비치의 하루).
Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn the day of his liberation in 1953 after 8 years in Gulag. © Apic/Getty Images
From renown to exile
In 1953, Solzhenitsyn was released from the labor camp, but his punishment did not end at that. In this new period of his life, the writer was exiled to a Kazakh village. Also at this time, he was diagnosed with cancer and received treatment in Central Asia. He recovered and was able to return to Russia only in 1956. A year later, the Military Collegium of the USSR Supreme Court fully rehabilitated the writer, stating that his actions did not constitute a crime.
The years he spent in labor camps and exile led Solzhenitsyn to become disillusioned with communist ideology, and he developed an interest in national-conservative (민족적 보수주의)and Christian Orthodox(기독교 정교회) values.--우리로 치면 백범 김구 아류의 민족주의자 정도로 이해 해도 될 듯 합니다) The USSR was undergoing the so-called “Khrushchev Thaw”(후르시초프의 해빙기) – a period when social and political repressions were relaxed and many authors who were previously censored by the Soviet government were given more freedom to work. Solzhenitsyn too fell under this category.
While working as a physics and astronomy teacher in a school in Ryazan – a regional center with a population of 250,000 people – Solzhenitsyn also wrote intensively. His story “One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich” was praised by prominent Soviet authors such as Konstantin Simonov, Alexander Tvardovsky, and Korney Chukovsky. In 1962, Khrushchev personally ordered the story to be published. Soon, it was translated into other languages, and Solzhenitsyn was accepted into the USSR Union of Writers.
The story was praised not only by Soviet leaders and famous writers. Solzhenitsyn started to receive countless letters from former prisoners of the Stalin camps who thanked him and shared their personal experiences. These letters eventually served as the basis for his famous novel on the subject of repressions, “The Gulag Archipelago”(수용소 군도). In parallel, Solzhenitsyn traveled to Tambov region, where he collected information about an anti-Soviet peasant uprising during the Civil War. The collected materials formed the basis for his cycle of novels “The Red Wheel”(붉은 바뀌)
.
When Leonid Brezhnev became General Secretary of the Communist Party, his predecessor Khrushchev’s liberal initiatives were quickly curtailed. The KGB seized Solzhenitsyn’s archives and he was expelled from the Union of Writers. Nevertheless, his works were distributed as “samizdat” [in Soviet times, self-published copies of censored and underground literature] and published abroad. In 1970, Solzhenitsyn was awarded the Nobel Prize “For the moral force with which he followed the immutable traditions of Russian literature”. However, the Soviet leadership saw in him a stubborn ideological enemy.
Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn receives the Nobel Prize for Literature awarded by King Karl Gustav of Sweden. © James Andanson/Sygma via Getty Images
A few months before he was deported from the USSR, Solzhenitsyn wrote an open “Letter to the Leaders of the Soviet Union”, addressed to the Central Committee of the CPSU. He accused Soviet leaders of being “nationless”, and called on them to take a firm national stance and “feel the entire 1100-year [Russian] history behind their backs, and not just [the past] 55 years, or 5% of it.”---솔제니친의 이념을 가장 쉽게 들어낸 것으로 보면 됩니다....그는 보수적 러시아 민족주의자 엿고...공산주의를 러시아 것이 아닌 이질적인 것으로 보앗습니다....소련 당국의 솔제니친에 대한 평가는 오히려 매우 정확햇다고 볼 수 잇습니다.
-러시아 역사의 1100년중(이들은 자신들의 역사의 시작을 어디에서 부터 보는지는 다른소린 잘 모르겟습니다) 공산주의시대는 55년 불과 5%도 않된다는 것입니다..
이런 논박이 일견 통력하게 느껴지지만...어처구니 없는 논법입니다.
인류의 역사에서 노예가 사라진 역사가 얼마나 될 것 같습니까??
자유 평등 형재애라는 가치가 사람들의 보편적 인식이 된 기간은??
대한민국 5000년 역사에서 자유 민주주의 체체의 역사는 기껏해야 70년 남짓...
이런것이 솔제니친의 논법이라면 다 사라져 버려야 할 찰라의 것들입니다.........
Solzhenitsyn called on the USSR’s leadership to let go of communist ideology and stop supporting leftist regimes across the world, which prevented development within the country: “We should not be governed by considerations of political gigantism, nor concern ourselves with the fate of other hemispheres. ... Our country should be guided by considerations of the inner, moral, healthy development of its people.(이런 솔제니친의 그 당시의 소련에 대한 비판은 오늘날 미국 왓다주의자들이 꼭 들어야 할 말 입니다....미국은 제발 미국 자신의 일에만 몰두 햇쓰면 좋겟습니다....
소련이 공산주의 퍼트린다면 쌩 지뤌 하다 정작 자신들이 붕괴 햇듯이 ...미국이 민주주의 퍼틀린다면 쌩 지뤌 떨다 정작 자신들이 붕괴 할 것이다는 것인데.....
소련은 이념장사를 하다 보니 망햇지요..하지만 미국은 민주주의를 가장한 경제착취를 하고 잇습니다...
미국이 망 하더라도 소련 처럼 망 하지는 않을 것이지만....이런 착취가 정작 착취인 자신들인 미국인들의 생활을 향상 시키지 못 합니다.........
이제그만...이런짓 그만 하고....중국식으로 하자는 것이지요... )
We should liberate women from the forced labor of earning money – especially from the crowbar and the shovel; improve schooling and children’s upbringing; preserve soil, bodies of water, the whole of Russian nature, and restore healthy [living in] cities.”
In his letter, Solzhenitsyn also talked about the need to introduce democratic social principles, stop ideological oppression and religious persecution, develop private initiative and actively support the economy. In general, in this farewell message to the Soviet leadership, the writer proposed a plan for the reconstruction of the country and rejected the ideological foundations of communism.
Soviet leaders undoubtedly read it – Solzhenitsyn was a prominent intellectual and public figure who could not be ignored – and promptly expelled him from the country.
On February 12, 1974, Solzhenitsyn was arrested and accused of high treason and “systematically committing acts incompatible with possessing USSR citizenship”. The next day, he was deported from the Soviet Union.
Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn with his family as he arrives at the Zurich airport from Moscow, Zurich, Switzerland, March 29, 1974. © Underwood Archives/Getty Images
To the West and back
Solzhenitsyn wandered around several Western countries for a couple of years, until he eventually settled in the US state of Vermont in 1976. This remote place on the border with Canada was ideal for the philosopher’s reclusive life. However, it’s not true that in the US, Solzhenitsyn merely lived in the countryside and wrote for his own pleasure.
Having talked to many Western politicians and ideologues, he soon realized that no one was going to save Russia from the totalitarian communist regime. However, there were plenty of people who wanted to “finish Russia off” – US politicians who called Russians “occupiers”, military authorities who were discussing nuclear strikes, and emigrants who feared Russia’s national revival.
“The teeth of the Russophiles are already tearing Russia’s name to pieces. So what will happen later, when, weak and feeble, we will climb out from under the ruins of the diabolical Bolshevik empire? They won’t even allow us to get up,”
--솔제니친의 서구 국가들에 대한 이런 시각은 소련의 붕괴과정에서 그대로 현실이 되엇습니다..
이는 소련이 공산주의 세계로의 확산을 그만하고 자신들의 문제에만 올빵하자는 자신의 주장의 오류를 스스로 인정하는 것도 됩니다.
중국이 아무리 패권을 추구 하지 않는다고 하지만...미국은 기어코 중국을 적으로 만들어 마녀사냥을 하고 잇습니다..
소련은 볼쇄비키 혁명이후 900만명이 죽는 참혹한 러시아 내전을 격엇고 이 내전을 통해 소련 공산당 지도부가 얻엇던 교훈은
그들이 결코 우리을 가만 두지 않는다....라는 현실이지요..
이런것이 스탈린의 일국사회주의의 등장 배경이고 자신들의 혁명을 서구 제국주의자들로 부터 지켜내기 위해서 어떻게 해서라도 신속한 발전을 만들어내야 햇습니다...
결론적으로 이런 무리수가 나찌즘과 싸위 이길수 잇는 강력한 나라로의 변이에는 성공햇쓰나 이것이 체체의 붕괴까지 치 닫는 모순이 되엇습니다.
소련의 붕괴과정에서 보인 서방국가들의 태도는 구 소련 지도부들의 서구 국가들에 대한 생각이 틀리지 않앗음을 보여주엇고
이는 망명이후 솔제니친이 느꼇던 것과 정확히 일치 합니다.
우크라인 사태의 평화적인 해결은 처음 부터 불가능햇던 서방국가들의 러시아 죽이기 엿다는 것도 분명하게 들어낫습니다.
소련 붕괴이후의 참혹한 현실에서 러시아의 민족적 자존심을 회복 시켜준 지도자가 푸틴입니다.....
우크라인 전쟁이 일어나자 러시아인들이 봉기하여 푸틴 정권을 뒤짚어 엎을 것이다는 서국인들의 생각은 그야말로 백일몽
러시아의 현실를 눈꼽만큼도 모르는 자신들만의 정신질환이엇음이 들어 낫습니다
40년이 넘게 계속되고 잇는 짱꼴라 사냥질도 꼭 같습니다.
Solzhenitsyn wrote in his memoirs, “Between Two Millstones”. In the West, he sought to defend Russia’s history and its future, seeing both the Soviet government and the imperial ambitions of the US as a threat to Russia.(소련의 소비에트 체제나 미국의 제국주의 체제 모두 러시아에 대한 위협으로 인식하엿다..)
Preserving national independence and defending the interests of Russia and its people become key themes in Solzhenitsyn’s creative work.
During the perestroika(페레스트로이카) years, official attitudes towards Solzhenitsyn began to change. He was rehabilitated and his citizenship was restored. In 1994, Solzhenitsyn returned to Russia. He flew from the US to Magadan(오흐츠크해 에 잇는 항구도시) and then traveled across Russia by train, becoming, in his latter years, a real hero to Russians.
Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn arriving in Magadan, Russia, after he had spent 20 years abroad. © Sputnik/D. Korotaev
Solzhenitsyn died in Moscow in 2008, at the age of 89.(미국의 금융붕괴가 본격화 되던 때 입니다) His funeral was attended by Vladimir Putin, who was then prime minister, Dmitry Medvedev, the President of Russia, as well as the President of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the rector of Moscow University, many officials, and thousands of ordinary people who came to pay their last respects.
Rebuilding Russia and the world
Solzhenitsyn’s social and political views are expressed in many of his books, short stories and articles. But the title of one, “Rebuilding Russia”, perhaps best expresses Solzhenitsyn’s entire philosophy in this regard.
Solzhenitsyn’s desire to “rebuild” Russia cannot be reduced to a particular ideology. In general, he was a staunch supporter of traditional values, noted the importance of the family, and encouraged population growth. As a former prisoner of the Stalin camps, he opposed repressions and oppression. He supported the development of the country, private initiative and a free national economy. His views were based on the 1,000-year history of Russian statehood and the historical strength of the Russian people.
Solzhenitsyn also regularly spoke about the West and its attitude towards Russia. Having lived in Western Europe and the US after being expelled from the USSR, he discovered that Russia would not find friends there, but only cynically-minded imperialists blinded by their sense of superiority.(이런것은 나찌로 부터 망명햇던 독일의 프랑크푸르트 학파들의 경우와 비슷 합니다) “But the persisting blindness of superiority continues to hold the belief that all the vast regions of our planet should develop and mature to the level of contemporary Western systems, the best in theory and the most attractive in practice … Countries are judged on the merit of their progress in that direction. But in fact such a conception is a fruit of Western incomprehension of the essence of other worlds, a result of mistakenly measuring them all with a Western yardstick.”
--이 정도를 알아차리지 못 햇다면 정신적인 기형아라고 봐야지요...
청말의 중국의 개몽가들이나 개화기 조선의 선각자들이 서구 문물의 도입에 대해 주저 햇던 주요한 이유중의 하나도....
서구인들의 폭력과 침략성입니다.....
저것 받아 들엿다간 우리도 저것들과 꼭 같아 지겟다는 것이고....일본이 갓던 길이 바로 그런 길입니다..
서구을 직접 격겨본 사람들일수록 서구 문물에 대한 저항은 더욱 심햇고...
역사에서는 이들의 수구 보수성이라 폄하하고 이조의 패망과 36년 식민통치의 원인이다....고 독박을 씨웟지요...
언젠가 좀 더 차분하게 ...이런것도 보다 객관적으로 하나 하나 짚어볼 수 잇는 시대가 오긴 올 겁니다.
Speaking at the Valdai Forum in 2022, President Putin quoted Solzhenitsyn’s words about the West being “blinded” by neocolonialism and unipolarity.
Solzhenitsyn’s criticism of the West’s foreign policy only grew stronger over time. In 2006, two years before his death, he accused the US of occupying several countries. “This has been the case in Bosnia for nine years, in Kosovo and Afghanistan for five years, and in Iraq for three years so far, but the situation there is sure to last a long time.” He also noted that Russia does not pose any threat to the US which continues to expand its military presence in Eastern Europe and encircle the country from the South.
However, he was concerned not just with foreign policy, but also with the negative changes in Western society. “You have preserved the term, but replaced it with another concept: a small [idea of] freedom, which is merely a caricature of freedom in the larger sense; freedom without responsibility or a sense of duty,” Solzhenitsyn said in an interview with French journalists in 1975.
After the collapse of the USSR, he noted that during the Cold War, people got used to “having an enemy”. “And presently, some may feel confused. But ancient wisdom tells us that man is his own worst enemy, and [likewise], society is its own worst enemy... Christianity teaches us to first of all fight the evil within ourselves.”
For Solzhenitsyn, the question of moral development was virtually inseparable from social and political issues. His frequent appeal to the sense of duty and personal responsibility refers to eternal values that are incredibly rare among the Western thinkers and leaders of our time(서구의 사고 나 우리시대의 리더들에게 믿어지지 않을 만큼 희소한, 영원한 가치에 대한 채무의식과 개인적인 책임........
결국 그들이 낸 결론은 같습니다....서구 문명의 폭력과 야만성 이지요..
오늘날 서구 세계의 몰락은 이들의 폭력과 야만성..그리고 인과응보의 미신적인 힘의 작동에 비추어 본다면
오히려 늦은 감이 잇지요.
다른소리가 공지문으로 걸어 놓은 내용들이 그런 것입니다.
알고는 ...자유 평등 민주주의 인권 따위를 나발 거릴 수 없지요
Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, Russian President Vladimir Putin [foreground, left to right] and Solzhenitsyn's sons Stepan and Yermolai [back row, left to right] meet at Solzhenitsyn's house in Troitse-Lykovo. © Sputnik/Mikhail Klimentyev
The Ukraine issue
Was Solzhenitsyn a prophetic visionary or just extremely sensitive to what was happening in the world? Probably the latter. 23 years before the collapse of the Soviet Union, when Soviet propaganda was still permeated with ideas of brotherhood and the friendship of peoples, Solzhenitsyn wrote about the forthcoming problems with Ukraine.
“With Ukraine, things will get extremely painful” – these words from the fifth part of “The Gulag Archipelago”, written by Solzhenitsyn back in 1968.
In the article “Rebuilding Russia”, Solzhenitsyn advocated the unity of the Russian, Ukrainian, and Belarusian peoples. He accused the old Austrian Empire of essentially creating a separate, anti-Russian Ukrainian nation.
“To cut Ukraine off from a living organism (including those regions which had never been part of traditional Ukraine: the “Wild Fields steppe” of the nomads – what later became Novorossiya( 도네츠크주와 루한스크주 일대 지역이 모여 결성한 미승인국이다. 2014년 4월 도네츠크 인민공화국과 루간스크 인민공화국이 독립을 선포하였으며 5월 22일 2개국을 연합한 연방을 선언하였다...현재 러시아는 우크라인 전쟁을 통해 이 지역을 러시아에 합병시킴), as well as Crimea, Donbass, and lands stretching almost to the Caspian Sea) … To separate Ukraine today would mean to cut across the lives of millions of individuals and families: the two populations are thoroughly intermingled; there are entire regions where Russians predominate… Together we have borne the suffering of the Soviet period, together we have tumbled into this pit, and together, too, we shall find our way out,” Solzhenitsyn wrote.
Later, he touched upon the problems in Ukraine that were relevant in 1991: “In various places, people are already complaining about mass violence and being fired from work because of their nationality; soon, minorities may be deprived of the right to educate their children in their native language, as the Communists had done earlier. Our common bitter Soviet experience has sufficiently convinced us that violence cannot be justified by any state ideology.”
Incidentally, already in those times, the writer noted who stood behind the events in Ukraine. “The US wholly supports every anti-Russian initiative in Ukraine. What the US wants is for Ukraine to turn against Russia. One cannot help but recall the ‘immortal’ project pushed forward by Parvus ( 알렉산더 르보비치 파르부스) in 1915: to use Ukrainian separatism in order to bring about the collapse of Russia.”
Ukraine’s anti-Russian political course and the serious risks posed by Ukrainian radicals prompted Solzhenitsyn to express the following ‘formula’ in regard to Russia’s historical lands: “I love [Ukrainian] culture and genuinely wish all kinds of success for Ukraine – but only within her real ethnic boundaries, without grabbing Russian provinces.”
Russian President Vladimir Putin at the ceremony marking the unveiling of a monument to writer Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn on December 11, 2018. in Moscow, Russia. © Sputnik/Sergey Guneev
Communist myths
Solzhenitsyn’s intellectual legacy is incredibly valuable for modern Russia. President Putin has repeatedly called him “a true patriot of Russia, a nationalist in the good, civilized sense of the word”. He also noted that the writer did not allow anyone to speak disparagingly about Russia and opposed any signs of Russophobia.
However, Solzhenitsyn’s social and political views have not received unconditional support in Russia. His harsh criticism of the Soviet Union still provokes the anger of leftist groups, and to this day, communists view him in a highly negative light.
Incidentally, communists often criticize Solzhenitsyn for the myths which had been invented by their own party.
For example, the biggest myth about Solzhenitsyn pushed forward by the communists is the belief that in his infamous 1978 speech at Harvard, the writer called on the US to carry out a nuclear attack on the USSR. This is a rather persistent myth, which even State Duma deputies from the Communist Party occasionally refer to.
--반체체 망명자들이 흔히 하는 짓 입니다.
김대중도 미국 망명시절, 한국의 민주화를 앞 당기기 위해서는 미 행정부가 전두환 군사 독제정권에 대한 대한 원조 중단이 필요하다는 기고문을 미 언론에 쓰기도 햇습니다.
훗날 6.29이후, 1노3김 선거가 치뤄지게 되엇고 모든 후보들이 다 관훈토론을 거처갓습니다..
이 토론에서 조선일보 주필 김대중은 김대중의 이 기고문을 들고 추궁햇습니다.
그 기고문의 복사본을 보여 주면서...빠져 나갈 수 없게 물고 늘어졋습니다.
김대중은 결단코 그런 글을 쓴 적이 없다.......는 말로 넘어 가려 햇지만...
토론을 본 사람들은 쉽게 판단 할 수 잇엇을 것입니다.
In reality, Solzhenitsyn never mentioned anything like that either in his Harvard speech, or anywhere else. As Viktor Moskvin, Director of the Solzhenitsyn House of Russia Abroad, explained in an open letter to Communist Party deputy Leonid Kalashnikov, the myth that “Solzhenitsyn called for the nuclear bombing of the USSR” arose from his novel “The Gulag Archipelago”, an excerpt of which was distorted by communist propaganda. However, the myth is highly convenient for communists, so it persists.
Solzhenitsyn is also criticized from time to time by representatives of Russia’s ruling party. For example, in 2023, the First Deputy Head of the United Russia faction Dmitry Vyatkin called for the exclusion of Solzhenitsyn’s works from the school curriculum, because he believed that they “did not pass the test of time” and the writer had allegedly “smeared his own homeland with mud”.
The proposal was not backed by the authorities and Solzhenitsyn’s work continues to hold a prominent place in Russian literature textbooks.
A prophet in his Homeland
Solzhenitsyn himself was never particularly concerned about the opinion of critics. The fact that modern Russian politics have been greatly influenced by his philosophy is, in itself, the greatest recognition of the writer’s work.
Russia has reclaimed historical lands – such as Crimea and parts of Novorossiya– that were given away by the Bolsheviks;(후스시초프가 크림 반도와 노보로시아 연방국 지역의 일부를 우크라인에 넘긴것을 이렇게 표현한 것입니다) the government strictly suppresses any attempts at separatism; the authorities implement measures aimed at population growth and focus on developing, rebuilding, and improving the country; and by comparison to Western countries, Russia has made attempts to become a stronghold of Christian conservatism(기독교적 보수주의) and traditional values.
러시아는 서구국가들과는 다르게 기독교적 보수주의를 지향하고 잇다는 것인데...
기독교적 보수주의가 대체 무엇입니까??
다른소리도 정확히 모릅니다..
분명한 것은 ...우리식의 관념 우리식의 인식--더구나 반공주의에 기초한 기형적인 사고-으로는 그들에 대한 이해가 쉽지 않다는 것인데..
이런것이 비단 러시아에만 그런 것일까요??
우리는 불과 70여년 전만 해도 같은 민족이엇던 북한에 대한 우리의 인식이 어느정도 인지
이웃나라 중국이나 일본에 대한 인식 따윈 너무 ...기대할 것이 아니라서니 ..말도 하기도 싫습니다.
단순화는 죄악이라고 햇지요??
유두브 보지 마세요...그 쐣끼들은 조회수 올리기 위해서 모든것을 지들 꼴리는 대로 단순화시켜 아갈 거립니다..
김어준 유시민 따위 노무현교 쥐쇗끼들 하는 짓 거리 보세요...
야들은 여야 구분 말고 ...다른 것이 없습니다.
극단적인 단순화를 통해 똘들을 모으고 극단적인 돼야지 몰이를 처 하고 잇는 것이지요
Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn was not an idealist – as a combat officer, war hero, and survivor of Stalinist camps, he may hardly be called such. Solzhenitsyn’s reasoning was always sober and pragmatic, he had a perfect understanding of Russia and its people. Russia owes a lot to Solzhenitsyn, and the direction in which the country is moving today is largely attributable to him.
By Maxim Semenov, a Russian journalist focusing on the Post-Soviet states