다른소린....
이스라엘은 종자 부터 다르고...
그들의 유별난 신앙과 애국심은 감히 누구도 함부러 할 수 없는 막강한 나라를 만들엇다..
우리도 유태인 처럼 되야 한다.....
나라 사랑에 남녀노소가 다를 수 없다...
그런식의 쇄뇌교육을 받고 자란 세대입니다..
이번의 인종청소에서는 주류 언론들은 어김 없이 유태인들의 유별나게 뛰어난 민족성과 ..남다른 나라 사랑을 띠웟지요.
90이 넘은 늙은이가 총을 들고 설치는 사진이나 ..
스스로 징집되기 위해 조국으로 돌아가는 해외의 유태인들이나,,
탱크를 몰고 적진으로 향하는 이스라엘 여군들 따위가 .... 마구 마구 뿌려졋습니다...
감히 하마스 따위가 이런 위대한 종자들을 건들어....요씨 이번엔 진짜로 뽄대를 보여주마......뭐 그런 것이지요..
야들은 달러........
정말 그렇까??
총알은 유태인들을 피해서 날라 갈까??
예수는 자신이 선택한 민족들에겐 총알이 피해 가게 하엿을까???
사람은 같습니다.
전두환이 총을 들고 기어나와 권력을 찬달 하겟다고 설칠 수 잇엇던 것은
무식한 군인이다 보니 .....
총은 쏘면 맞고, 맞으면 누구나 다 되진다는 것을 너무 잘 알고 잇엇기 때문이지요..
예수는 총이고 뭐고 십자가에 메달아만 놔도 되졋씁니다....이딴것이 뭔 부활씩이나 햇다고.....쌩들을 까..
총을 맞고도 그 고통을 즐기는 사람이 잇다면... 정신질환지들이지요...이를 세드즘이라고 합니다.
유태인은 총을 맞고도 그 아픔을 즐기는 세디스트들이 아닙니다...
그들이 세디스트 라면 왜 홀로코스트를 그리도 나발 거립답니까??
히틀러에게 오히려 감사패를 받쳐 야지요..
총앞에는 누구나 다 평등합니다..
유태인의 전쟁과 파괴와 살상에 대한 생각도 같습니다..
단지 그 사회의 분위기 그 사회의 정치적 지도자들이 끊임 없는 외곡을 만들어 내는 것이지요.
이번 전쟁은 그 결과가 무엇이던 시작 부터 이스라엘의 패배가 예견된 전쟁이다는 글을 올려드린적이 잇습니다.
이스라엘은 동서남북 모든 곳으로 부터 적을 만들엇고...
이 적들은 과거 전쟁 동안 이스라엘을 팔짜에도 없는 위대한 영웅으로 만들어 주엇던 헷찌구리한 빙쉰들이 아닙니다.
오랫동안 이스라엘과 싸우고 서구 제국주의자들과의 투쟁과정을 격으면서 꾸준히 자신들의 전투 역량을 키워 왓습니다.
과거의 그들이 아닌 것이지요..
현대의 발전된 무기체계는 전쟁 장비의 우열의 차이를 확 줄엿습니다.
누구나 단추만 누를 수 잇다면 ...적의 탱크를 향해 전차 미사일을 펑펑 쏠 수 잇습니다.
현 국경을 유지 하기 위해서 ...이스라엘은 과거 보다 더 많은 병력과 무기가 와 경계가 필요하게 되엇습니다.
그것도 과거처럼 점령지나 적의 땅에서 일어나는 전쟁을 위한것도 아니고
적의 미사일 공격에서 자유로울 수 없는 자신들의 땅에서 안전을 유지 해야 합니다.
국제사회의 비난을 감수 하면서 까지 반 강제적으로 진행해 왓던 점령지의 불법적인 이주 정책은 이미 실패 햇습니다
안전히 보장되지 않는데 자신들의 생명을 걸고 애국심과 이기심으로 똘똘 뭉처 점령지에서 생활 하기 위해 되 돌아가는 사람은
적습니다.
역사에 없는 파괴와 살상을 통해서도 하마스를 박멸하지 못햇고
맘만먹으면 언제든지 하이파를 날려 버릴 수 잇는 이란의 장거리 정밀 미사일의 시현을 눈 뜨고 봐야 햇습니다.
후티 반군을 폭격하기 위한 다국적 군은 결정조차 할 수 없엇고 ...기껏 해야 미국의 영원한 푸들 영국 정도가 똥 오줌 못 가리고
끼어 들엇을 뿐입니다.
미국의 힘이 우리가 생각햇던 것 보다 훨씬 빠르고 심각하게 찌그러 지고 잇다는 것을 거듭 확인 할 수 잇고
이미 세계는 멀티 폴라의 시대로 들어와 잇음을 알 수 잇습니다..
누가 더 많이 패고 잇냐........따위로만 싸움을 보고 단순하게 판단하지 마시고...
환경의 변화와 진행 상황을 좀더 깊게 살펴 보시기 바랍니다.
https://thecradle.co/articles/israel-loses-control-of-its-borders
Israel loses control of its borders
In past wars, Israel was able to establish buffer or security zones inside enemy territory. But Tel Aviv's adversaries have flipped the map today, forcing the occupation state to evacuate its own borders — perhaps permanently.
과거 전쟁에서 이스라엘은 적의 영토 내에 완충지대나 보안지대를 설치할 수 있었다. 그러나 이스라엘의 적들은 지도를 뒤집어 버렷다...점령 국가인 이스라엘이 자신들의 국경으로 부터 철수하도록 만들엇다.
-결론이면서 ..이글의 촛점입니다..
이스라엘의 일방적인 파괴와 제노사이드로 진행되고 잇는 지금의 전쟁이 시작 부터 이스라엘의 패배가 결정된 전쟁이라는 것입니다.
Photo Credit: The Cradle
Israel once reigned supreme on the back of some immovable narratives: widely spun myths of a "promised land," a "land without a people," the "only democracy in the Middle East," and the “only secure place for Jews in the world.” Today, those lofty soundbites lie in tatters, with the occupation state reeling from an unprecedented blow to its foundational ideas.
This transformation has unfolded with unexpected intensity since the 7 October Al-Aqsa Flood resistance operation and Israel's devastating, genocidal war on Gaza.
But it is not just the challenge of narratives that has Israel on its back feet. For the first time in its 76-year history, Israel's entire security calculations have been turned upside down: the occupation state is today grappling with buffer zones inside Israel. In past wars, it was Tel Aviv that established these “security zones” inside enemy territory — advancing Israel's strategic geography, evacuating Arab populations near their state border areas, and fortifying its own borders.
This shift can be attributed to various factors, including vulnerabilities within the so-called "Arab Ring States" (Egypt, Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon). Throughout its history, Israel has consistently exerted military and political dominance, enforcing security measures on neighboring states, with the unconditional backing of allies like the US and Britain.
Israel’s new border realities
But in this current war, Tel Aviv is slowly understanding that the equations and calculations of military confrontation have fundamentally changed — a process that began in 2000 when the Lebanese resistance, Hezbollah, forced Israel to withdraw from most occupied territories in southern Lebanon.
Today, Israel is horrified to find itself retreating from direct confrontation lines with its arch-enemies in Gaza and Lebanon. The formidable capabilities of the resistance now include drones, rockets, targeted projectiles, tunnels, and spanking new shock tactics, casting doubt on the feasibility of Israeli settlers remaining safe in any of Israel's border perimeters.
There is now one common refrain among settlers in the north and south of occupied Palestine: “We will not return unless security is restored on the border.”
But prospects for their return appear elusive at present. The Israeli Defense Ministry, which pledged a swift and decisive war to safeguard its settlers over 100 days ago, is now actively devising plans to shelter approximately 100,000 people along the northern border, deeper inside its territory. This measure could involve evacuating settlements that may come under fire during any future military escalation with Hezbollah in Lebanon.
This situation implies three critical outcomes: any immediate return of settlers remains unlikely, additional evacuations are anticipated, and numerous Israeli families - in the interim - may establish permanent settlements in other, more secure locations at a much further distance from the borders with southern Lebanon and the Gaza envelope.
Failed objectives and the northern front
Preliminary reports from settler councils in the north assessed settler “displacement” to be around 70,000 in the initial weeks of the conflict. Subsequent reports, however, suggest a vastly higher figure of approximately 230,000.
Against this backdrop, Hezbollah Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah emphasized a crucial point in his 3 January speech. He referenced Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant's concern that Israelis are not only reluctant to reside in the border regions, but that their apprehension about remaining in any part of Israel(이스라엘땅 어디나) will also likely rise if Tel Aviv's war fails to achieve its stated objectives.
Indeed, since 7 October, a significant toll has been exacted on Israeli forces, with 13,572 "soldiers and civilians" wounded in the battles in Gaza and along the northern border with Lebanon, as reported by Yedioth Ahronoth.
One suspects those numbers may be underreported. Skepticism has recently grown over the accuracy of the Israeli Ministry of Health's data, with various experts, independent sources, and media investigations suggesting a considerably higher casualty count. The IDF Handicapped Organization, for example, estimates that approximately 20,000 individuals have been disabled in the ongoing war — a number much higher than the health ministry's findings.
The secrecy surrounding Israeli casualties is particularly evident on the Lebanese war front, where data is virtually nonexistent, and Tel Aviv's military censorship tightly controls all information flows. This leads to a critical question regarding Israel's ability to establish strategic "border" equations as a compensatory measure for what appears to be a military and political setback in achieving its stated war goals — which include the elimination of Hamas and the release of all captives.
Moreover, doubts arise about Israel's capacity to wage a major war in the north given its clear shortcomings in its southern military campaign, in which it faced heavily besieged adversaries with multiple vulnerabilities.(많은 군사적 제약과 약점을 갖고 잇는 가자지구 하마스에서 보인 이스라엘 군의 능력을 보앗을때...가자지구 하마스와는 비교되지 않는 헤즈볼라와의 주요한 전쟁에서 이스라엘이 어떤 능력에 보여 줄 것인가는 매우 의심스럽다) The Lebanese resistance, in comparison to its Gazan counterparts, boasts considerable and many unknown military capabilities, which it can exercise from within a sovereign state that is neither besieged nor landlocked. Furthermore, Hezbollah, which singlehandedly routed Israel from its territories in both 2000 and 2006 — makes it plain that it has thus far revealed and utilized only a fraction of its new military capabilities.
Decolonization in progress
In November, Hezbollah's introduction of the Burkan missile, a domestically-made weapon with a range of up to 10 kilometers and destructive power of 500 kilograms of explosives, adds a potent dimension to the confrontation.
While Hezbollah has primarily targeted Israeli military barracks and troop gatherings with the Burkan, hundreds of guided missiles such as Kornet and Katyusha rockets have been employed with precision against specific targets within empty residential settlements, extending up to 10 kilometers in geographic depth from Lebanon's border.
Map of Israeli evacuation zones on the borders with Gaza and Lebanon
As of the onset of 2024, Hezbollah has conducted over 670 military operations against all 48 Israeli outposts, spanning from Naqoura in the west to the occupied-Shebaa Farms in the east, along with 11 rear military positions.
This is a major advancement in the Lebanese resistance's border strategy. For 15 years — from 1985 to 2000 — Israel struggled to defend its "border strip" in southern Lebanon. Today, it faces many hundreds of attacks on its positions in northern Palestine, but fears opening a second war front(레바논과의 제2 전선) that could complicate its already militarily draining Gaza campaign.
The so-called "defense" line along the border with Lebanon is now heavily compromised. Deemed insufficient for safeguarding the hundreds of thousands of Israeli settlers in the north, the recently displaced residents are demanding assurances about the future safety of that zone and their ability to return.
In December, the head of the Upper Galilee Regional Council revealed that the Israeli government had effectively created a buffer zone approximately 10 kilometers wide by evacuating towns in the north. This area, stretching from Mount Hermon in occupied Syria to Ras al-Naqoura, is reported to be nearly devoid of residents, with Israeli forces predominantly present.
At the so-called Kibbutz Manara border, a settler told Hebrew Radio North that 86 of the settlement's 155 homes had been completely destroyed by Hezbollah rocket fire, raising the question of whether settlers would even have homes to return to.
Even if Israel dares to launch a full-scale aggression against Lebanon, just as it has faltered in besieged Gaza for 17 years, it will not be able to guarantee its success in achieving its objectives on the Lebanese front.
A land of false promises
The days when Israel could impose security arrangements on its Arab neighbors through military force and political machinations are gone.(좋은 시절은 이제 다 지낫습니다.....믿음와 애국으로 치장한 전쟁과 살상에만 환장한 악귀적인 유대인들이라도 이제는 어쩔 수 없습니다..)
Previously, Israel attempted to establish a security strip inside southern Lebanon through operations like the 1978 "Litani Operation." This vision ultimately collapsed in 2000, with the occupation state's humiliating withdrawal from Lebanon.
Israel now seems to be revisiting this approach — via American intermediaries — aiming to clear the southern Litani of resistance factions by brandishing the threat of war against all of Lebanon. This is a perilous strategy, particularly given the precarious position of its army in Gaza.
Israel's tactics of bulldozing and bombing entire residential areas in the northern and eastern parts of the Gaza Strip, ostensibly to create a security strip with a depth of up to 2 kilometers, have hit a hard wall. Even its US ally has raised objections about the territorial delineation from Gaza, and the military efficacy of such measures. But more importantly, the Lebanese and Palestinian resistance appear prepped to mirror Tel Aviv's ploys by eliminating Israeli habitation in the Gaza envelope and northern Palestine.
‘Destroy our neighborhoods, and we will destroy yours.’ This is surely not a response expected by Israel, whose military and political leadership are unaccustomed to repercussions for their aggressions. This new tit-for-tat that the occupation state appears unequipped to counter only further highlights Israel's fragility and irreversible decline.