한국도 68혁명의 무풍지대라고는 할 수 없다고 햇지요??
아무리 박정희 철권통치 치하라고 하더라도....그들은 어떤 형태로든 세상 돌아가는 것을 들엇을 것입니다.
물론 오늘과 같은 정보는 감히 상상도 못 할 일이겟지만..
이 사건은 미국의 힘을 분산시켜야 한다는 공산진영의 세계전략적인 차원에서 일어낫습니다.
아무렇지도 않게 여느때처럼 꼭 같이 북한 영해를 불법으로 들어와 불법 정보 활동을 하던 미 정보함을
북한이 덕컬 잡아 버린 것이지요.
어쩟던 월남을 향해 출발할 예정이던 함모 엔터프라이즈호가 급히 동해로 이동..무력 시위를 벌려야 햇고
월남(월맹) 에게 ..최소 그 시간과 무장만큼의 폭격을 늦추거나 회피 하게 하는 효과는 주엇습니다.
월남과 한국에서 동시의 군사작전을 원치 않앗던 미국은 미국답지 않게 꼴랑지를 내렷고
정중한 사과와 재발방지를 약속하고 나서야 ..프에블로호 선원들을 돌려 받앗습니다..
하지만 프에블로호는 아직도 북한에 남아 잇고..대미 항쟁의 승리의 상징으로 대동강에서 전시되어 잇습니다.
미국은 선원들이 돌아오자 마자 기존의 입장을 번복...사과와 재발방지 약속을 취소 하는 간사함을 보엿지요..
북한은 다음해 1969년 ec121 정찰기를 격추 하는 모험을 감행햇습니다.
미국은 1년전 프에블로호 사건때와 꼭 같이 무력시위만 하고 사건을 종결시켯습니다.
서슬 퍼런 박정희 정권아래 목숨을 걸고 감히 월남전 반대를 외칠 수는 없엇을 것으로 보입니다..
그리고 당시 국민들의 수준은 너무 너무 한심하여....
월남전의 반대는 즉각 빵갱이 사냥감이 되엇고, 월남에 파병 가족들에겐 자신들의 자식들을 향한 비난으로
즉각 해석되어야 햇고 본능적인 반발을 일으켯습니다..
-이 빨갱이 쥐쇄끼들 ..아조 찌저 죽여 버리겟다.....는 맹렬한 적개심을 만들어 냇을 것이니..
아직도 월남전에 대해서는 여전히 소극적인 반응이 주류입니다...
기껏해야 ,,꼭 우리의 형님들을 보네서 그렇게 죽게 햇써야 햇나?......정도의 자기 연민 정도이지
월남전 자체에 대한 비판이나....월남파병군인들의 월남인들에 대한 잔혹행위에 대해서는 여전히 입을 열지 않습니다.
한국 대통령으로 처음으로 김대중이 월남전에 대해 사과를 하엿을때도...수구 꼴통놈들+ 갱상도 쥐쇗끼들은
-전라도 빨갱이 쇗끼 드디어 본색을 들어냇다....식으로 몰아 갓지요.
그런 탓인가요?
갱상도 쥐쇗끼 문재인은...그 듣기 싫은 갱상도 쥐쇗끼 언어로...(난 지금도 이자의 말을 못 알아 먹것써..)
-월남전에서 (사람 죽이고) 돈 벌엇써도 그 돈이 경제발전에 사용되엇다면 애국이다....는 망발을 씨불거렷습니다.
노무현도 문재인도...이런 대통령은 정말 두번 다시 격고 싶지 않습니다..
그렇다면 다른 대통령들은 두번 격거 볼 수도 잇다는 소리냐??
헤구............
니기미 씨발놈의 세상....증말 징그러...
아래글은
68혁명때의 콜롬비아 대학에서의 시위와 지금의 콜럼비아 대학의 시위의 모습에대한 소외의 글입니다..
68혁명때의 콜럼비아 대학에서는 월남전에서 미군의 학살을 반대하는 시위 엿습니다.
2024년 콜럼비아 대학에서는 이스라엘의 가자지구 학살을 반대하는 시위입니다..
역사는 반드시 반복한다고 햇지요??
Columbia Protests Now and in ‘68
by JONAH RASKIN
Protests in and around Columbia University in support of Palestine and against Israeli occupation. Photograph Source: SWinxy – CC BY-SA 4.0
The student protests on the campus of Columbia University this April have reminded me of the protests that took place there 56 years ago. Along with about 700 or so other men and women, I was arrested and jailed at the Tombs in Manhattan. Those arrests didn’t curtail student protests. Indeed, there were demonstrations later that year and again in 1969, 1970, 1971 and 1972. When push comes to shove, Columbia has called on the police again and again and the police have arrived in force and have made arrests.
The current president of Columbia, Minouche Shafik, an Egyptian-born American economist and a baroness, has surely not acted on her own impulses to establish what she might call “Law and Order.” Rather, she has surely followed the orders, the prayers and wishes of trustees, deep pockets and alumni who have wanted to see demonstrators punished for exercising freedom of speech and for practicing old-fashioned American civil disobedience.
Robert Kraft, the New England Patriots CEO, and a major financial contributor to Columbia —and my classmate— recently said, “I am no longer confident that Columbia can protect its students and staff and I am not comfortable supporting the university until corrective action is taken.” He also said, “I believe in free speech, say whatever you want, but pay the consequences.” That doesn’t sound like free speech, not if it comes with a price tag. Back then, the protests were largely about Vietnam. Now, they’re largely about Gaza and Israel. The names have changed, but the underlying story is much the same.(역사는 반드시 반복합니다) Shouldn’t students today have a significant role to play when and where it comes to university investment?
Columbia University president Shafik was deputy governor of the Bank of England, and a vice president at the World Bank. She surely knows who has buttered her side of the crumpet and who has poured her cup of tea. Over many decades, Columbia has known very well how to make cosmetic changes and alter its image. It is now, as it was in the 1960s, about making money, expanding and occupying more and more of the island of Manhattan, and about mass-producing students to become consumers and citizens loyal to the social institutions that have made the US a global superpower.
In the late 1960s and early 1970s, we raised awareness about the university’s collaboration with the war machine and with institutions of racism and patriarchy. Columbia began to hire women and Black and brown intellectuals and to revise the curriculum in response to student demands to make education relevant to their own lives and their times.
In 1968, I was not a student at Columbia. I was already a professor at the State University of New York who had graduated from the college in 1963 when it was still locked in the mindset of the Cold War, and McCarthyism and could not be accurately described as an “Ivory Tower.” In 1968, my beef with Columbia had its roots in my undergraduate years when I was rebuked for using Marxist sources for essays I wrote for teachers and slammed for thinking critically and questioning academic dogma. In 1969 when I was arrested again for my role during a campus protest, one of my former professors said that since I was a “Columbia scholar and a Columbia gentleman” I should apologize to the university. When I declined to knuckle under, the powers that be had me arrested and jailed. Who then was the scholar and the gentleman?
My freshman year at Columbia, my classmates and I were required to read Jacques Barzun’s tome The House of Intellect. It didn’t take long for me to see that the house of intellect was a house of cards. In 1968, we didn’t blow it down or blow it up, but we rocked it for a time and then watched as it put its house back in order and restored its foundations.
I don’t believe it’s possible to dismantle Columbia now, much as it wasn’t possible to dismantle it in 1968. It’s too big, too powerful, too wealthy and too rapacious. But protesters today can certainly raise awareness about the political and economic ties between the US “power elite,” as Columbia professor, C. Wright Mills called it, and the power elite in Israel. Things may not improve in the Middle East any time soon, but they won’t stay the same way they have been for the past half-century, either. The student protesters with their tents on campus are a sure sign that the times have changing and will go on “a-changin'” as Dylan suggested.
Too bad Columbia is locked in the past. Too bad it has given up on meaningful dialogue with student protesters today. Too bad it doesn’t see the handwriting on the wall. Over the past few weeks, I’ve wondered what Columbia professor Edward Said, the author of Orientalism(콜롬비아 대학 교수 엿던 에드워드 사이드의 오리엔탈리즘)—and for a time an independent member of the Palestinian National Council—would think and say. Indeed, he seemed to occupy a kind of middle ground when he observed in 2003, the year he died, that with regard to Palestine, “nobody has a claim that overrides all the others and entitles that person with that so-called claim to drive people out!”
That middle ground seems to have evaporated. Indeed, the ground under our own feet has shifted dramatically. There is less room for dissenting opinions today than there was in ’68, near the height of the war in Vietnam. There are also more virulent anti-Arab and more virulent anti-Jewish voices today than there were then. Better prepare for the rocky road ahead.
Jonah Raskin is the author of Beat Blues, San Francisco, 1955.
첫댓글 노무현도 문재인도...이런 대통령은 정말 두번 다시 격고 싶지 않습니다..
그렇다면 다른 대통령들은 두번 격거 볼 수도 잇다는 소리냐??
헤구............
니기미 씨발놈의 세상....증말 징그러...
수요가 잇다면 공급이 잇겟지요..
국민들의 수요가 없는데 공급이 잇겟습니까??
종북 좌파 사냥질 과 노무현 교주님 할렐루야 질에 대한 수요만 잇는데....어떻게 걸맞는 공급이 존재할 수 잇겟습니까??
기껏해야 준석이 같은 것이 새로운 상품인냥 깝치는 것이지요..
진보 세력(민주당 말고)이 10% 정도의 표로 만들어 질 수 잇다면....
이들이 세상을 바꿀 수 는 없겟지만....다른 세상에 대한 관심은 갖을 수 잇게 할 수 잇다는 생각입니다.
문제는
야들이 절대 10%의 표를 만들수 없게...선거제도에 말뚝을 처 박아 버린 것이지요..
국힘당 민주당은 절때 선거제도를 바꾸지 않을 것입니다...
독일식 100% 비례제도로 선거 제도가 시행 되엇다면.....
우리 사회에 근본적인 변화가 잇엇을 것이다는 생각은 들지 않지만(요즘에 독일 만큼 개판인 나라도 드물지요)
어처구니 없는 것들은 많이 바꿧을 것이다는 생각입니다.