미국의 강제 수용소..자유 민주주의 체체 미국의 사례에 기반한 연구

[다른소리]

루스밸트 행정명령 9066

진주만 공격이 잇자...루스벨트는 행정명령 9066를 통해 ,,, 미국에 잇는 모든 일본인들을 소집하여 짐단 수용소에 처 넣엇습니다.

우리로 치면 우리의 국부 이신 이승만 대통령님 께옵서 이 나라를 공산 빨갱이들로 부터 지키시기 위해서 ..싸그리 잡아 족처 버린 보도 연맹 사건 정도로 생각해도 될 것 같습니다..

국민보도연맹 학살(國民保導聯盟虐殺)은 1950년 6.25 전쟁 중에 대한민국 국군·헌병·반공단체 등이 국민보도연맹원이나 양심수 등을 포함해 공식적으로 확인된 4934명과, 10만 명에서 최대 120만 명으로 추산되는 민간인을 살해했다고 추정되는 대학살 사건이다...

------위키피아

미친놈들이 무슨짓인들 못 하겟습니까......그러니 미쳣다고 하겟지요..

11만 여명의 일본인들이 이런 수용소에 수감 되엇고...놀랍게도 이들중 2/3은 미국 시민권자들이엇습니다.

즉 혈통적으론 일본인이지만 엄연히 미국의 시민권을 갖고 잇는  미국인들이엇다는 것이지요..

독일에서 이주한 미국인이나 .. 이탈리아에서 이주한 미국인들과 꼭 같은 그런 미국의 시민들이엇습니다..

그런데 그런 엄염한 미국의 시민들을 그것도 법률도 아닌 행정명령 정도로 이런 짓을 합니다.

저런짓은 말 할 것도 없고....일장기게양은 물론 일본 냄세가 나는 모든것이 금지 되엇습니다.

마치 유태인 냄세가 나는 모든 것을 다 지워 버리려 햇던 힛틀러와 조금도 다르지 않고

이런 짓을 아무렇지도 않게 햇던 체제가....

니들이 그리도 침을 튀기며 쌩 지뤌들을 떨고 잇는 자유 민주주의 체체 라는 것이고

루스벨트는 여전히 미국인들이 가장 존경하는 대통령중의 한명이다는 것......그리고 

무엇보다도 이런것이 여전히 물밑 진행중이다...는 .....사실을 챙겨 두라는 것입니다..

그 자유 민주주의 체제라는 것이 그들이 그리도 경원하는 파시즘이나 나찌즘과 아무 차이가 없는,,정말로 딱 종이한장 정도

차이만 나는 체제라는 것을 반드시  명심 하시라는 소립니다..

우리가 80년대에 민주주의를 위해 투쟁 햇던 것과 꼭 같은 ..어쩌면 그런것과는 비교조차 할 수 없는 거대한 국민적 저항을 

이제는 그 자유 민주주의체체를 향해 시작을 해야 한다는 것인데......

우린 이미 너무 늦엇다는 생각이듭니다..

성열리 미친개들이나...무현이 쥐쇗끼때들을 보고 잇노라면......

대체 이 나라에서 왜 살앗는지...무엇을 위해 살앗는지.....그만 맥이 빠저버립니다.

또??

또...그 지긋 지긋한 투쟁을 해야 해???

그렇다면 지금의 자유 민주주의 체체의 대안이 무엇이냐???...

다른소린 그 대안이 무엇인지...모른다고 햇지요??

우린....이게 아니다...고 악악거리기만 하면 되....

그러면...똑똑한 놈들이 과거 민주화 투쟁때 그리 햇듯이 뭔가를 씨불 거려 될 것 아닙니까??

뭐 어짭니까?

다른 방법 잇써요??..

또.... 하기 싫으면 안 하면 되는 것이고..

아래글은 ...의학적인 글입니다..

집단 강제수용소에 수용되어 가혹한 취급을 받앗던 사람들의 육체적 정신적인 건강에 대한 피해을 다룬 글인데

이런 건강상실이 단지 경험자 자신은 말 할 것도 없고 대을 이어 여전히 심각한 후유증을 남기더라는 주장의 글입니다..

그런 집단 강제 수용의 경우가 어디 한두곳이어야 ....빤한 내용일 것인데 .......흥미로운 것은 ..

이들의  연구대상이...바로 루스밸트의 행정명령으로 때거지로 수용소 생활을 햇던 일본계 미국인들을

대상으로 햇다는 것입니다..

미국 본토의 모든 일본인들이 깡그리 소집되어 강제 수용소에서 가혹한 삶을 살앗던 것에 비해 

정작 정말 일본과 가까웟던 하와이의 일본인들은 하와이 경제에 미칠 영향을 고려 1%만 강제수용소에 보내졋습니다.

이런것은 연구를 할 수 잇는 좋은 두개의 집단이 되엇고..이들의 임신율이나 출산한 아이들의 무게등을 비교해 보니

분명한 차이가 잇고...더욱 흥미로운 것은 비단 집단 수용소 생활을 햇던 본인들을 넘어 그 자녀들에게소도 차이를 보이더라는 글입니다..

다른소린 이런 의학적인 결과 보다는 ...자유 민주주의 체제에서 그것도 우리가 죽어라고 따라하고 싶어 환장하는 미국의

가장 잘 알려진 위대한 대통령의 집권 시기에 ...이런 행위가 이루어 졋다는 점에  훨씬 더 흥미을 느꼇고 ..

그래서 카피 한 것입니다.

조샌징 쥐쇗끼때들의 그 민주주의가 무엇인지 ...그것이 얼마나 가혹하고 야만적인 체체인지....그런 민주주의 원조 국가 미국이 어떤 나라 인지....따위를 정신 차리고 똑똑히 보시라고..

이승만 재 평가다 ...뭐다 미츤개들이 쌩 지뤌을 떨 수 잇는 것은 

그들이 다 자칭 민주주의자들이기 때문입니다..

그들이 공산주의자들이라면...차마 감히 그런말은 하려 하지 않앗겟지요..

민주주의가 문제입니다..

좀더 정확하게 이야기 하면 ..인민들이 생각하는 민주주의와 현실에서 구현되는 민주주의가 전혀 다르다는 것이 문제라는 것이지요..

https://cepr.org/voxeu/columns/intergenerational-health-effects-forced-displacement-japanese-american-incarceration

The intergenerational health effects of forced displacement: Japanese American incarceration during WWII

VOXEU COLUMN ECONOMIC HISTORY HEALTH ECONOMICS MIGRATION POLITICS AND ECONOMICS

The intergenerational health effects of forced displacement: Japanese American incarceration during WWII

• Daniel Grossman 
• Umair Khalil 
• Laura Panza 
• / 

13 Mar 2024

The forcible removal of populations has both immediate and long-run consequences for the affected populations. The economics literature has tended to focus on the labour market or political consequences. This column instead examines the health effects of the forced displacement of Japanese Americans during WWII. Japanese American women who were incarcerated during their childhood and/or were born in camps had babies who were in worse health than comparison groups. Negative health effects for those born in the ten years post-incarceration are still substantial, though somewhat diminished.

In 2022, the population of forcibly displaced people by violence, conflict, persecution, or human rights violation stood at 108.4 million (UNHCR 2022). While there has been a surge in forced displacement in the last decade, driven by the Syrian refugee crises, the war in Ukraine (Verwimp 2022) and violence in Afghanistan, this is not a recent phenomenon. Episodes of forced displacement have occurred throughout history; some well-known examples are the expulsion of Palestinians in 1948, the Armenian genocide in the early 20th century (Arbatli and Gomek 2018), and Jewish expulsion and pogroms in Europe throughout the Middle Ages (Johnson et al. 2013).

The forcible removal of populations has both immediate and long-run consequences for the affected populations. The economics literature on the legacy of displacement and forced migration has recently grown (Becker 2022), documenting predominantly labour market changes (Nakamura et al. 2021), human capital accumulation (Becker et al. 2020), or political consequences (Braun and Dwenger 2020). The health consequences of such events, however, are still relatively understudied, despite having deep and long-term effects that likely carry on across generations (Almond et al. 2010).

Our recent research (Grossman et al 2023) studies the forced displacement of Japanese Americans during WWII. This episode represents one of the largest state-led removals of civilians in US history: more than 110,000 Japanese Americans were forcibly evacuated from their homes and imprisoned in camps located in remote areas of the US, managed by the US War Relocation Authority. This policy, combined with the prohibition on emigrating, resulted in an average incarceration length of three and a half years.

We eval‎uate the effects of such policy on the birth outcomes, human capital accumulation, and marital matching patterns of Japanese women decades after exposure to incarceration.

Incarceration and living conditions in the camps

The process of incarceration was formalised with the passing of Executive Order No. 9066 by President Franklin Roosevelt, which was motivated by national security concerns against the potential threat of Japanese sabotage and espionage. As a result, nearly all Japanese Americans residing on the US mainland were incarcerated. On the other hand, just 1% of the Japanese population of Hawaii, which composed more than one-third of the total population of the island, were incarcerated. Given its size, incarcerating this group was impractical and would have severely disrupted the Hawaiian economy and hence was not implemented.(일본과 훨씬 가깝고 훨씬 더 많은 일본인들이 더 찐덕 찐덕하게 몰려 살고 잇는 하외이 에서는 단지 1%만 강제감금이 되엇지만, 태평양을 넘는  미국 본토에서는 거의 모든 일본인들이 강제수용이 되엇다는 것 자체가 ...국가의 안보 운운하는 루스벨트의 행정 명령의 명분의 모순과 불법을 말 하는 것입니다...

이런 두 대상의 명확한 환경의 차이가 의학적인 비교를 가능하게 하엿습니다..)

Evacuation of the population of Japanese ancestry started with transportation to temporary assembly centres from March to August 1942. It was followed by incarceration in permanent camps. Overall, poor living conditions were the causes of many of the illnesses that afflicted the internees’ overall health, including women’s reproductive health. Many assembly centres were converted race tracks and fairgrounds, meaning the evacuees had to live in horse stalls and animal quarters (Nagata 2013); in the camps, housing was barrack-style, overcrowded, and without running water. Sanitation was poor, leading to widespread outbreaks of intestinal flu and regular epidemics of dysentery, typhoid and tuberculosis across several camps; episodes of diarrhoea were very common. Further medical issues included: infantile paralysis associated with polio, ptomaine poisoning, desert silicosis, respiratory problems, malaria and sleeping sickness.

On 17 December 1944, Public Proclamation 21 allowed all persons of Japanese ancestry, cleared by military authorities, to leave the camps. Initially, internees could not return to their West Coast homes, so they moved to new locations in the Midwest and to the East. They were told not to congregate as a group in public and to avoid having Japanese neighbours. Pre-WWII, 90% of individuals of Japanese ancestry living in the continental US lived in California, Oregon, and Washington (Ruggles et al. 2021). Immediately post-detention, fewer than 50% lived in these three states (United States War Relocation Authority, 1946).--미대륙에 살고 잇엇던 일본인들의 90%가 켈리포니아 오래곤 워신텅주에 살앗지만 전쟁기간동안의 강제수용이 끝난이후 이들의 숫자는 50%이하로 뚝 떨어졋다.....즉 불법적인 강제수용이 끝난이후에도 자신들이 살고 잇것 곳으로 돌아갈 수 없엇음을 이야기 합니다.. 

Health consequence of internment

Japanese American imprisonment was largely an unanticipated event, given that before the attack on Pearl Harbor there was no expectation that Japanese Americans would be incarcerated en masse. Furthermore, incarceration targeted only people of Japanese ancestry residing in mainland US but not those living in Hawaii. This resulted in the de facto complete displacement of the former, but not of the latter, thus providing an ideal comparison group, given common heritage.

We use Japanese American mothers on the West Coast born in or before 1946 as the treated group and compare their outcomes to those living in Hawaii, i.e. women who did not undergo forced displacement. We find that Japanese mothers who were incarcerated in camps during their childhood gave birth to babies who were 77 grammes lighter compared to Japanese mothers living in Hawaii. Using other Asian mothers on the West Coast as an alternative comparison group, the effect size drops to 59 grammes, potentially due to general anti-Asian discrimination on the mainland in the decades around WWII. These are sizable effects, varying from approximately 1.8% to 2.4% of the average birthweight of the control group in the non-treatment period. We further find that exposure to a camp is associated with a greater number of low birthweight (LBW) babies.

Compared to Hawaiian-born Japanese Americans, the effect implies one additional LBW baby per 100 births for women exposed to the camps.

While incarceration per se represented a big negative shock, the initial post-incarceration years were likely associated with trauma. Indeed, it has been documented that the transition process post-incarceration was particularly harsh: families were on the move with few possessions, and no steady source of income or residence because their property and place of residence pre-treatment had been seized (Kashima 1980). We test this hypothesis by focusing on ‘partially treated’ mothers, i.e. Japanese American mothers born within ten years post-imprisonment. Our results point to slightly diminished, though still substantial negative effects.

We present our results graphically in Figure 1, where we plot birthweight on the vertical axis and birth cohorts on the horizontal axis. The estimates suggest that, compared to Japanese Americans born in Hawaii, those who were incarcerated had consistently lower birthweight, with effect sizes varying from 50 to 100 grammes throughout the incarceration cohorts.  This effect continued at 100 grammes for the 1947-1951 cohorts and reduced to approximately 35 grammes for the 1952-1956 cohorts, demonstrating negative effects of incarceration combined with continuing difficulties post-release.

Figure 1 

Mechanisms and other outcomes

The primary theoretical mechanism behind the above findings is likely nutritional deprivation and other physiological and psychological health deficiencies that mothers would have suffered while they themselves were in utero or in early childhood while incarcerated.  Interestingly, they were not driven by worse maternal healthcare. Indeed, we find that the effects on prenatal health behaviours do not match these decreases in the health of babies born to treated mothers: mothers exposed to camps were more likely to receive any prenatal care and more likely to start prenatal care within the first two trimesters of pregnancy. These positive effects, which may be due to an increase in human capital accumulation associated with populations exposed to forced migration (Becker et al. 2020), may partially mitigate the negative intergenerational health effects of incarceration.

Incarceration mattered beyond just health outcomes. It also affected interpersonal relationships and household stability of the treated population later in life. We show that incarcerated Japanese Americans were substantially less likely to have a white or a non-Japanese partner. An important potential mechanism behind this finding is long-term distrust among Japanese Americans towards those who incarcerated them. This decreased likelihood of intermarriage may have been further amplified by internees’ refusal to discuss their experiences, even with family members (Nagata et al. 2015).

Conclusion

In our study, we find that Japanese American women who were incarcerated during their childhood and/or were born in camps had babies who were in worse health than comparison groups. Negative health effects for those born in the ten years post-incarceration are still substantial, though somewhat diminished. Despite this negative health effect on later generations, we find positive effects on health behaviours during pregnancy. However, we show that these gains are not nearly large enough to mitigate the negative intergenerational health effects of the forced displacement of Japanese Americans during WWII.

This study demonstrates that trauma suffered during childhood has long-lasting impacts not just for the individuals directly impacted, but also for their children. Such findings are in line with existing studies documenting the importance of accounting for intergenerational effects in social safety net programs (Hoynes et al. 2016, East et al. 2023). Further, our study provides support for the limited success of mitigating harm from discriminatory and/or nutritional shocks, and suggests additional interventions must be undertaken to counter the structural, intergenerational negative effects of trauma.

References

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Arbatli, C E and G Gokmen (2018), "Ethnic capital and sub-national development: Armenian and Greek legacy in post-expulsion Turkey", SSRN 3273964.

Braun, S T and N Dwenger (2020), "Settlement location shapes the integration of forced migrants: Evidence from post-war Germany", Explorations in Economic History 77: 101330.

Becker, S (2022), “Forced displacement, then and now”, VoxEU.org, 8 April.

Becker, S O, I Grosfeld, P Grosjean, N Voigtländer and E Zhuravskaya (2020), “Forced migration and human capital: Evidence from post-WWII population transfers”, American Economic Review 110(5): 1430–1463.

East, C N, S Miller, M Page and L R Wherry (2023), “Multigenerational impacts of childhood access to the safety net: Early life exposure to medicaid and the next generation’s health”, American Economic Review 113(1):98–135.

Grossman, D S, U Khalil, and L Panza (2023), “The Intergenerational Health Effects of Forced Displacement: Japanese American Incarceration during WWII”, CEPR Discussion Paper 18714.

Hoynes, H, D W Schanzenbach and D and Almond (2016), “Long-run impacts of childhood access to the safety net”, American Economic Review 106(4): 903–34.

Johnson, N,  M Koyama and W Anderson (2013), “From the persecuting to the protective state? Jewish expulsions and weather shocks from 1100 to 1800”, VoxEU.org, 18 February.

Kashima, T (1980), “Japanese American Internees Return, 1945 to 1955: Readjustment and Social Amnesia”, Phylon (1960-) 41(2): 107–115.

Nagata, D K (2013), Legacy of injustice: Exploring the cross-generational impact of the Japanese American internment, Springer Science & Business Media.

Nagata, D K, J H J Kim and T U Nguyen (2015), “Processing Cultural Trauma: Intergenerational Effects of the Japanese American Incarceration”, Journal of Social Issues 71(2): 356–370.

Nakamura, E, J Sigurdsson, and J Steinsson (2022), "The gift of moving: Intergenerational consequences of a mobility shock", The Review of Economic Studies 89(3): 1557-1592.

Ruggles, S, C A Fitch, R Goeken, J D Hacker, M A Nelson, E Roberts, M Schouweiler, and M Sobek (2021), “IPUMS Ancestry Full Count Data: Version 3.0 1940 Census”, IPUMS.

UNHCR (2022), Global trends. Forced displacement in 2022.

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Verwimp, P (2022), “Forced displacement, gender identity norms, and marital stability in the wake of the war in Ukraine”, VoxEU.org, 5 July.